Results for 'NSA'

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  1.  76
    Nsa Management Directive #424: Secrecy and Privacy in the Aftermath of Edward Snowden.George R. Lucas - 2014 - Ethics and International Affairs 28 (1):29-38.
    Whatever else one might say concerning the legality, morality, and prudence of his actions, Edward Snowden, the former U.S. National Security Agency contractor, is right about (...)the notion of publicity and informed consent, which together constitute the hallmark of democratic public policy. In order to be morally justifiable, any strategy or policy involving the body politic must be one to which it would voluntarily assent when fully informed about it. This, in essence, was Snowden's argument for leaking, in June 2013, the documents that revealed the massive NSA surveillance program: So long as there's broad support amongst a people, it can be argued there's a level of legitimacy even to the most invasive and morally wrong program, as it was an informed and willing decision.... However, programs that are implemented in secret, out of public oversight, lack that legitimacy, and that's a problem. It also represents a dangerous normalization ofgoverning in the dark,” where decisions with enormous public impact occur without any public input. (shrink)
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  2. Did the NSA and GCHQ Diminish Our Privacy? What the Control Account Should Say.Leonhard Menges - 2020 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 7 (1):29-48.
    A standard account of privacy says that it is essentially a kind of control over personal information. Many privacy scholars have argued against this claim by relying (...)
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  3.  34
    The NSA and Edward Snowden.Joseph Verble - 2014 - Acm Sigcas Computers and Society 44 (3):14-20.
    This paper examines the case and background of Edward Snowden, the history and purpose of the National Security Agency, legality and American public opinion and its aftermath.
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  4.  6
    Metaphors and Metonyms of Nsa, ‘the Handin Akan.Kofi Agyekum - 2016 - Pragmatics and Cognition 23 (2):300-323.
    This paper looks at the metaphorical and metonymic expressions derived from nsa, ‘hand’. I will analyse and discuss hand metaphoric and metonymic expressions in relation with the (...)
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  5.  5
    Metaphors and Metonyms of Nsa, ‘the Handin Akan.Kofi Aygekum - 2016 - Pragmatics and Cognition 23 (2):300-323.
    This paper looks at the metaphorical and metonymic expressions derived from nsa, ‘hand’. I will analyse and discuss hand metaphoric and metonymic expressions in relation with the (...)
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  6.  9
    Notes on the NSA.W. Habib - 2014 - Télos 2014 (169):139-143.
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  7. Privacy, Transparency, and Accountability in the NSAs Bulk Metadata Program.Alan Rubel - 2015 - In Adam D. Moore (ed.), Privacy, Security, and Accountability: Ethics, Law, and Policy. London, UK: pp. 183-202.
    Disputes at the intersection of national security, surveillance, civil liberties, and transparency are nothing new, but they have become a particularly prominent part of public discourse in (...)
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  8. Whistleblowing as Civil Disobedience: The Case of Edward Snowden.William E. Scheuerman - 2014 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 40 (7):609-628.
    The media hoop-la about Edward Snowden has obscured a less flashy yet more vitaland philosophically relevantpart of the story, namely the moral and political (...) seriousness with which he acted to make the hitherto covert scope and scale of NSA surveillance public knowledge. Here I argue that we should interpret Snowdens actions as meeting most of the demanding tests outlined in sophisticated political thinking about civil disobedience. Like Thoreau, Gandhi, King and countless other grass-roots activists, Snowden has in fact articulated a powerful defense of why he was morally obligated to engage in politically motivated law-breaking. He has also undertaken impressive efforts to explain how his actions are distinguishable from ordinary criminality, and why they need not culminate in reckless lawlessness. In fact, his example can perhaps help us advance liberal and democratic ideas about civil disobedience. First, it highlights sound reasons why, pace the orthodox view, the acceptance of punishment by those engaging in civil disobedience should not be seen as a precondition of its legitimacy. Second, Snowden reminds us that ours is an era in which intensified globalization processes directly shape every feature of political existence. Defenders of civil disobedience need to update their reflections accordingly. (shrink)
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  9. Government Surveillance and Why Defining Privacy Matters in a PostSnowden World.Kevin Macnish - 2016 - Journal of Applied Philosophy (2).
    There is a long-running debate as to whether privacy is a matter of control or access. This has become more important following revelations made by Edward (...)Snowden in 2013 regarding the collection of vast swathes of data from the Internet by signals intelligence agencies such as NSA and GCHQ. The nature of this collection is such that if the control account is correct then there has been a significant invasion of people's privacy. If, though, the access account is correct then there has not been an invasion of privacy on the scale suggested by the control account. I argue that the control account of privacy is mistaken. However, the consequences of this are not that the seizing control of personal information is unproblematic. I argue that the control account, while mistaken, seems plausible for two reasons. The first is that a loss of control over my information entails harm to the rights and interests that privacy protects. The second is that a loss of control over my information increases the risk that my information will be accessed and that my privacy will be violated. Seizing control of another's information is therefore harmful, even though it may not entail a violation of privacy. Indeed, seizing control of another's information may be more harmful than actually violating their privacy. (shrink)
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  10.  9
    Following Snowden Around the World.Andrew A. Adams, Kiyoshi Murata, Yasunori Fukuta, Yohko Orito & Ana María Lara Palma - 2017 - Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 15 (3):311-327.
    Purpose A survey of the attitudes of students in eight countries towards the revelations of mass surveillance by the USNSA and the UKs GCHQ has (...)been described in an introductory paper and seven country-specific papers. This paper aims to present a comparison of the results from these countries and draws conclusions about the similarities and differences noted. Design/methodology/approach A questionnaire was deployed in Germany, Japan, Mexico, New Zealand, The Peoples Republic of China, Spain, Sweden and Taiwan. The original survey was in English, translated into German, Japanese and Chinese for relevant countries. The survey consists of a combination of Likert scale, Yes/no and free-text responses. The results are quantitatively analysed using appropriate statistical tools and the qualitative answers are interpreted. Findings There are significant differences between respondents in the countries surveyed with respect to their general privacy attitudes and their willingness to follow Snowdens lead, even where they believe his actions served the public good. Research limitations/implications Owing to resource limitations, only university students were surveyed. In some countries, the relatively small number of respondents limits the ability to make meaningful statistical comparisons between respondents from those countries and from elsewhere on some issues. Practical implications Snowdens actions are generally seen as laudable and having had positive results, among the respondents surveyed. Such results should give pause to governments seeking to expand mass surveillance by government entities. Originality/value There have been few surveys regarding attitudes to Snowdens revelations, despite the significant press attention and political actions that have flowed from it. The context of attitudes to both the actions he revealed and the act of revelation itself is useful in constructing political and philosophical arguments about the balance between surveillance activity for state security and the privacy of individual citizens. (shrink)
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  11.  2
    Following Snowden: a Cross-Cultural Study on the Social Impact of Snowdens Revelations.Kiyoshi Murata, Andrew A. Adams & Ana María Lara Palma - 2017 - Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 15 (3):183-196.
    Purpose This paper aims to introduce a cross-cultural study of the views and implications of Snowdens revelations about NSA/GCHQ surveillance practices, undertaken through surveys administered (...)
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  12. Turings Mystery Machine.Diane Proudfoot & Jack Copeland - 2019 - American Philosophical Association Newsletter for Philosophy and Computers 18 (2):1-6.
    This is a detective story. The starting-point is a philosophical discussion in 1949, where Alan Turing mentioned a machine whose program, he said, would in practice (...)beimpossible to find.” Turing used his unbreakable machine example to defeat an argument against the possibility of artificial intelligence. Yet he gave few clues as to how the program worked. What was its structure such that it could defy analysis for (he said) “a thousand years”? Our suggestion is that the program simulated a type of cipher device, and was perhaps connected to Turings postwar work for GCHQ (the UK equivalent of the NSA). We also investigate the machines implications for current brain simulation projects. (shrink)
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  13. Herramientas para el análisis y monitoreo en Redes Sociales.Juan Gutierrez - 2011 - International Review of Information Ethics 16:33-40.
    Networks or partnerships are used by humans since the beginning of humanity and its analysis raises concerns from many different sectors of society. In the era of (...)
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  14.  42
    Secrecy, Transparency and Government Whistleblowing.William H. Harwood - 2017 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 43 (2):164-186.
    In the first part of the 21st century, the complicated relationship between transparency and security reached a boiling point with revelations of extra-judicial CIA activities, near (...)universal NSA monitoring and unprecedented whistleblowingand prosecution of whistleblowers under the Espionage Act. This article examines the dual necessities of security and transparency for any democracy, and the manner in which whistleblowers radically saddle this Janus-faced relationship. Then I will move to contemporary examples of whistleblowing, showing how and why some prove more damaging or beneficial than others. I will conclude with some suggestions as to practical reforms which might mitigate the seemingly inevitable pendulum-swinging between Snowden-style vigilantism and a panoptic security state. (shrink)
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  15. Data Flows and Water Woes: The Utah Data Center.Mél Hogan - 2015 - Big Data and Society 2 (2).
    Using a new materialist line of questioning that looks at the agential potentialities of water and its entanglements with Big Data and surveillance, this article explores how (...)
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  16.  10
    Legislating Clear-Statement Regimes in National-Security Law.Jonathan F. Mitchell & GMU Law School Submitter - unknown
    Congress's national-security legislation will often require clear and specific congressional authorization before the executive can undertake certain actions. The War Powers Resolution, for example, prohibits any (...) law from authorizing military hostilities unless it "specifically authorizes" them. And the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 required laws to amend FISA or repeal its "exclusive means" provision before they could authorize warrantless electronic surveillance. But efforts to legislate clear-statement regimes in national-security law have failed to induce compliance. The Clinton Administration inferred congressional "authorization" for the 1999 Kosovo War from an appropriations statute that failed to specifically authorize the conflict. And the Bush Administration inferred congressional "authorization" for the NSA surveillance program from ambiguous language in the post-September 11th Authorization to Use Military Force. In both situations, executive-branch lawyers employed expansive theories of implied repeal and constitutional avoidance to evade the codified clear-statement requirements, and Congress and the courts acquiesced to the President's actions. Recent proposals to strengthen the clear-statement requirements in Congress's national-security framework legislation are unlikely to be effective without institutional mechanisms, such as points of order, that can deter future legislators from enacting vague or ambiguous legislation from which the executive might claim implicit congressional "authorization," and that can induce Congress to confront Presidents that act without specific congressional authorization. Simply enacting more narrow or explicit clear-statement requirements, or adding funding restrictions to Congress's framework legislation, fails to counter the aggressive interpretive doctrines that executives of both political parties have used to concoct congressional "authorization" from vague or ambiguous statutory language. (shrink)
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  17.  14
    Why Snowden and Not Greenwald? On the Accountability of the Press for Unauthorized Disclosures of Classified Information.Dorota Mokrosinska - 2020 - Law and Philosophy 39 (2):203-238.
    In 2013, following the leaks by Edward Snowden, The Guardian published a number of classified NSA documents. Both leaking and publishing leaks violate the law prohibiting unauthorized (...)
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  18.  14
    Report of a Debate on Snowden's Actions by ACM Members.A. A. Adams - 2014 - Acm Sigcas Computers and Society 44 (3):5-7.
    In 2012 Edward Snowden starting releasing a cache of computer files to a small number of journalists, which he claimed to have copied from servers at the (...)
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