This collection of essays by philosophers and educationalists of international reputation, all published here for the first time, celebrates Paul Hirst's professional career. The introductory essay by Robin Barrow and Patricia White outlines Paul Hirst's career and maps the shifts in his thought about education, showing how his views on teacher education, the curriculum and educational aims are interrelated. Contributions from leading names in British and American philosophy of education cover themes ranging from the nature of good teaching to Wittgensteinian (...) aesthetics. The collection concludes with a paper in which Paul Hirst sets out his latest views on the nature of education and its aims. The book also includes a complete bibliography of works by Hirst and a substantial set of references to his writing. (shrink)
This set presents some of the most innovative and important work in this area, including work influenced by feminist theory, Marxism, critical theory, phenomenology and other approaches that continue to shape the field.
The article asks whether political anger has a legitimate place in a democracy, as this is a political system designed to resolve conflicts by peaceful negotiation. It distinguishes personal from social anger and political anger, to focus explicitly on the latter. It argues that both the feeling and expression of political anger are subject to normative constraints, often specific to social status and gender. The article examines arguments, including those of Seneca, in favour of an anger-free society. It concludes, however, (...) that a democracy cannot dispense with political anger, which has a vital role to play in protecting things of value. This role demands a civic education such that when democratic values are under threat citizens will not feel apathetic or simply fearful, but angry and possessed of a repertoire of ways of expressing democratic anger. (shrink)
Citizenship education is a complex matter, and not least the place of civic virtues in it. This is illustrated by a consideration of the civic virtue of gratitude. Two conceptions of gratitude are explored. Gratitude seen as a debt is examined and Kantâs exposition of it, including his objections to a personâs getting himself into the position where he has to show gratitude as a beneficiary, is explored. An alternative conception of gratitude as recognition is developed. This, it is claimed, (...) has more relevance to the kind of gratitude it would be appropriate for citizens of a democratic state to feel. The educational implications of these views are indicated. (shrink)
This paper examines Ronald Dworkin's claim that the right to free speech does not include a right to circumstances that encourage citizens to speak nor a right to competent and sympathetic understanding on the part of listeners. Drawing on familiar arguments for the existence of other human rights, the paper challenges Dworkin's claim. Even if, however, the challenge fails and it is not possible to show that there is such a right, that is not the end of the story. It (...) is argued that democratic societies should try to foster conditions in which citizens are encouraged to speak and are listened to sympathetically in the interests of the well-being and flourishing of the polity. The important role education has to play in this is explored. (shrink)
Abstract This paper argues that if one follows through the principles of a rational procedural morality one is necessarily committed to a democratic form of society. This in turn means that political education is an essential part of moral education and it supplies a necessary content and context to moral education. Concretely, moral education must give some attention to certain concepts, forms of argument and the development of certain dispositions, all rooted in the context of the society in which the (...) child is growing up. The latter part of the paper rounds out this broad conception of moral education by considering certain objections to it. (shrink)
Abstract Decency and good manners are not optional but essential ingredients of good lives in a democracy. Decency in a democratic society, it is claimed, is a matter of having an attitude of goodwill towards non?intimates (though there will be overlaps with the treatment of friends and intimates), which will be expressed in different ways in different groups. It will often involve not insisting on one's rights and giving other people more than is due to them. It is argued that (...) the fact that expressions of decency vary between social groups may cause misunderstandings. Objections to ideals of decency and good manners are then tackled. Finally, it is claimed that there is a role for the school in implicitly and explicitly teaching decency as part of its education for citizenship in a democracy. (shrink)