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Paul Bloom [83]Paul Richard Bloom [1]Paul A. Bloom [1]
  1. Natural language and natural selection.Steven Pinker & Paul Bloom - 1990 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 13 (4):707-27.
    Many people have argued that the evolution of the human language faculty cannot be explained by Darwinian natural selection. Chomsky and Gould have suggested that language may have evolved as the by-product of selection for other abilities or as a consequence of as-yet unknown laws of growth and form. Others have argued that a biological specialization for grammar is incompatible with every tenet of Darwinian theory – that it shows no genetic variation, could not exist in any intermediate forms, confers (...)
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  2.  91
    Natural selection and natural language.Steven Pinker & Paul Bloom - 1990 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 13 (4):707-784.
    Many people have argued that the evolution of the human language faculty cannot be explained by Darwinian natural selection. Chomsky and Gould have suggested that language may have evolved as the by-product of selection for other abilities or as a consequence of as-yet unknown laws of growth and form. Others have argued that a biological specialization for grammar is incompatible with every tenet of Darwinian theory – that it shows no genetic variation, could not exist in any intermediate forms, confers (...)
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  3. Just Babies: The Origins of Good and Evil.Paul Bloom - 2013 - New York: Crown.
    A leading cognitive scientist argues that a deep sense of good and evil is bred in the bone. From John Locke to Sigmund Freud, philosophers and psychologists have long believed that we begin life as blank moral slates. Many of us take for granted that babies are born selfish and that it is the role of society—and especially parents—to transform them from little sociopaths into civilized beings. In Just Babies, Paul Bloom argues that humans are in fact hardwired with a (...)
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  4. Intention, history, and artifact concepts.Paul Bloom - 1996 - Cognition 60 (1):1-29.
  5. Two reasons to abandon the false belief task as a test of theory of mind.Paul Bloom - 2000 - Cognition 77 (1):25-31.
  6. Disgust Sensitivity Predicts Intuitive Disapproval of Gays.Yoel Inbar, David A. Pizarro, Joshua Knobe & Paul Bloom - 2009 - Emotion 9 (3): 435– 43.
    Two studies demonstrate that a dispositional proneness to disgust (“disgust sensitivity”) is associated with intuitive disapproval of gay people. Study 1 was based on previous research showing that people are more likely to describe a behavior as intentional when they see it as morally wrong (see Knobe, 2006, for a review). As predicted, the more disgust sensitive participants were, the more likely they were to describe an agent whose behavior had the side effect of causing gay men to kiss in (...)
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  7. Conservatives are more easily disgusted than liberals.Yoel Inbar, David A. Pizarro & Paul Bloom - 2009 - Cognition and Emotion 23 (4):714-725.
    The uniquely human emotion of disgust is intimately connected to morality in many, perhaps all, cultures. We report two studies suggesting that a predisposition to feel disgust is associated with more conservative political attitudes, especially for issues related to the moral dimension of purity. In the first study, we document a positive correlation between disgust sensitivity and self-reported conservatism in a broad sample of US adults. In Study 2 we show that while disgust sensitivity is associated with more conservative attitudes (...)
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  8. Children prioritize humans over animals less than adults do.Matti Wilks, Lucius Caviola, Guy Kahane & Paul Bloom - 2021 - Psychological Science 1 (32):27-38.
    Is the tendency to morally prioritize humans over animals weaker in children than adults? In two pre-registered studies (N = 622), 5- to 9-year-old children and adults were presented with moral dilemmas pitting varying numbers of humans against varying numbers of either dogs or pigs and were asked who should be saved. In both studies, children had a weaker tendency to prioritize humans over animals than adults. They often chose to save multiple dogs over one human, and many valued the (...)
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  9. Religion is natural.Paul Bloom - manuscript
    Despite its considerable intellectual interest and great social relevance, religion has been neglected by contemporary develop- mental psychologists. But in the last few years, there has been an emerging body of research exploring children’s grasp of certain universal religious ideas. Some recent findings suggest that two foundational aspects of religious belief – belief in divine agents, and belief in mind–body dualism – come naturally to young children. This research is briefly reviewed, and some future directions..
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  10.  84
    The intelligence of the moral intuitions: A comment on Haidt (2001).David A. Pizarro & Paul Bloom - 2003 - Psychological Review 110 (1):193-196.
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  11.  78
    Young children are sensitive to how an object was created when deciding what to name it.Paul Bloom - 2000 - Cognition 76 (2):91-103.
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  12.  53
    Children prefer certain individuals over perfect duplicates.Paul Bloom - 2008 - Cognition 106 (1):455-462.
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  13.  63
    Why did this happen to me? Religious believers’ and non-believers’ teleological reasoning about life events.Konika Banerjee & Paul Bloom - 2014 - Cognition 133 (1):277-303.
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  14.  72
    Understanding children's and adults' limitations in mental state reasoning.Paul Bloom - 2004 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 8 (6):255-260.
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  15. More than a body: Mind perception and the nature of objectification.Kurt Gray, Joshua Knobe, Mark Sheskin, Paul Bloom & Lisa Feldman Barrett - 2011 - Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 101 (6):1207-1220.
    According to models of objectification, viewing someone as a body induces de-mentalization, stripping away their psychological traits. Here evidence is presented for an alternative account, where a body focus does not diminish the attribution of all mental capacities but, instead, leads perceivers to infer a different kind of mind. Drawing on the distinction in mind perception between agency and experience, it is found that focusing on someone's body reduces perceptions of agency but increases perceptions of experience. These effects were found (...)
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  16.  75
    Anti-equality: Social comparison in young children.Mark Sheskin, Paul Bloom & Karen Wynn - 2014 - Cognition 130 (2):152-156.
  17.  34
    Generativity within language and other cognitive domains.Paul Bloom - 1994 - Cognition 51 (2):177-189.
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  18.  71
    Three- and four-year-olds spontaneously use others' past performance to guide their learning.Paul Bloom - 2008 - Cognition 107 (3):1018-1034.
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  19.  69
    Do 5-month-old infants see humans as material objects?Valerie A. Kuhlmeier, Paul Bloom & Karen Wynn - 2004 - Cognition 94 (1):95-103.
  20.  98
    Causal deviance and the attribution of moral responsibility.Paul Bloom - manuscript
    Are current theories of moral responsibility missing a factor in the attribution of blame and praise? Four studies demonstrated that even when cause, intention, and outcome (factors generally assumed to be sufficient for the ascription of moral responsibility) are all present, blame and praise are discounted when the factors are not linked together in the usual manner (i.e., cases of ‘‘causal deviance’’). Experiment 4 further demonstrates that this effect of causal deviance is driven by intuitive gut feelings of right and (...)
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  21.  72
    Religious Belief as an Evolutionary Accident.Paul Bloom & Osman Zahid Çifçi - 2015 - Beytulhikme An International Journal of Philosophy 5 (1):163.
  22.  26
    Theories of artifact categorization.Paul Bloom - 1998 - Cognition 66 (1):87-93.
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  23.  51
    The perceived intentionality of groups.Paul Bloom & Csaba Veres - 1999 - Cognition 71 (1):B1-B9.
  24.  71
    Enumeration of collective entities by 5-month-old infants.Paul Bloom - 2002 - Cognition 83 (3):55-62.
  25. Would Tarzan believe in God? Conditions for the emergence of religious belief.Konika Banerjee & Paul Bloom - 2013 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 17 (1):7-8.
  26.  86
    What does Batman think about spongebob? Children's understanding of the fantasy/fantasy distinction.Deena Skolnick & Paul Bloom - 2006 - Cognition 101 (1):B9-B18.
  27. Thinking through language.Paul Bloom & Frank C. Keil - 2001 - Mind and Language 16 (4):351–367.
    What would it be like to have never learned English, but instead only to know Hopi, Mandarin Chinese, or American Sign Language? Would that change the way you think? Imagine entirely losing your language, as the result of stroke or trauma. You are aphasic, unable to speak or listen, read or write. What would your thoughts now be like? As the most extreme case, imagine having been raised without any language at all, as a wild child. What—if anything—would it be (...)
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  28. Developmental changes in the understanding of generics.Paul Bloom - 2007 - Cognition 105 (1):166-183.
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  29.  33
    Young Children are Reality-Prone When Thinking about Stories.Deena Skolnick Weisberg, Paul Bloom, David M. Sobel & Joshua Goodstein - 2013 - Journal of Cognition and Culture 13 (3-4):383-407.
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  30.  57
    Two-year-olds use artist intention to understand drawings.Melissa Allen Preissler & Paul Bloom - 2008 - Cognition 106 (1):512-518.
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  31.  50
    Do children think that duplicating the body also duplicates the mind?Bruce Hood, Nathalia L. Gjersoe & Paul Bloom - 2012 - Cognition 125 (3):466-474.
  32.  38
    Windows to the soul: Children and adults see the eyes as the location of the self.Christina Starmans & Paul Bloom - 2012 - Cognition 123 (2):313-318.
  33.  37
    Syntactic cues in the acquisition of collective nouns.Paul Bloom & Deborah Kelemen - 1995 - Cognition 56 (1):1-30.
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  34.  42
    The role of historical intuitions in children's and adults' naming of artifacts.Grant Gutheil, Paul Bloom, Nohemy Valderrama & Rebecca Freedman - 2004 - Cognition 91 (1):23-42.
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  35. Mindreading, communication and the learning of names for things.Paul Bloom - 2002 - Mind and Language 17 (1-2):37–54.
    There are two facts about word learning that everyone accepts. The first is that words really do have to be learned. There is controversy over how much conceptual structure and linguistic knowledge is innate, but nobody thinks that this is the case for the specific mappings between sounds (or signs) and meanings. This is because these mappings vary arbitrarily from culture to culture. No matter how intelligent a British baby is, for instance, she still has to learn, by attending to (...)
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  36. Précis of how children learn the meanings of words.Paul Bloom - 2001 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 24 (6):1095-1103.
    Normal children learn tens of thousands of words, and do so quickly and efficiently, often in highly impoverished environments. In How Children Learn the Meanings of Words, I argue that word learning is the product of certain cognitive and linguistic abilities that include the ability to acquire concepts, an appreciation of syntactic cues to meaning, and a rich understanding of the mental states of other people. These capacities are powerful, early emerging, and to some extent uniquely human, but they are (...)
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  37.  26
    Children’s and Adults’ Intuitions about Who Can Own Things.Nicholaus S. Noles, Frank C. Keil, Susan A. Gelman & Paul Bloom - 2012 - Journal of Cognition and Culture 12 (3-4):265-286.
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  38.  56
    More than words: A reply to Malt and Sloman.Paul Bloom - 2007 - Cognition 105 (3):649-655.
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  39. Water as an artifact kind.Paul Bloom - 2007 - In Eric Margolis & Stephen Laurence (eds.), Creations of the Mind: Theories of Artifacts and Their Representaion. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 150--156.
     
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  40.  40
    How specific is the shape bias?Paul Bloom - manuscript
    Children tend to extend object names on the basis of sameness of shape, rather than size, color, or materialFa tendency that has been dubbed the ‘‘shape bias.’’ Is the shape bias the result of well-learned associations between words and objects? Or does it exist because of a general belief that shape is a good indicator of object category membership? The present three studies addressed this debate by exploring whether the shape bias is specific to naming. In Study 1, 3-year-olds showed (...)
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  41. Psychological essentialism in selecting the 14th Dalai Lama.Paul Bloom - 2008 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 12 (7):243.
  42.  49
    Varieties of Social Cognition.Eric Luis Uhlmann, David A. Pizarro & Paul Bloom - 2008 - Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 38 (3):293-322.
    Recent work within psychology demonstrates that unconscious cognition plays a central role in the judgments and actions of individuals. We distinguish between two basic types unconscious social cognition: unconsciousness of the influences on judgments and actions, and unconscious of the mental states that give rise to judgments and actions. Influence unconsciousness is corroborated by strong empirical evidence, but unconscious states are difficult to verify. We discuss procedures aimed at providing conclusive evidence of state unconsciousness, and apply them to recent empirical (...)
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  43.  20
    The development of corporal third-party punishment.Julia Marshall, Anton Gollwitzer, Karen Wynn & Paul Bloom - 2019 - Cognition 190 (C):221-229.
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  44. Against empathy: The case for rational compassion.Paul Bloom - 2017 - Random House.
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  45.  95
    My brain made me do it.Paul Bloom - 2006 - Journal of Cognition and Culture 6 (1-2): 1567-7095.
    Shaun Nichols (this issue) correctly points out that current theories of the development of mindreading say nothing about children's intuitions concerning indeterminist choice. That is, there are numerous theories of how children make sense of belief, desire, and action, but none that appeal to any notion of free will. Nichols suggests two alternatives for why this is the case. It could either be (a) an --outrageous oversight-- on the part of developmental psychologists or (b) a principled omission, reflecting a consensus (...)
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  46.  20
    Implicit Voodoo: Electrodermal Activity Reveals a Susceptibility to Sympathetic Magic.Bruce M. Hood, Paul Bloom, Katherine Donnelly & Ute Leonards - 2010 - Journal of Cognition and Culture 10 (3-4):391-399.
    Although young children might be uncertain about the nature of certain representations, most modern adults would explicitly maintain that photographs have no ongoing physical connection the objects that they depict. We demonstrate here in three studies that destruction of a photograph of a sentimental object produces significantly more electrodermal activity than destruction of photographs of other control objects. This response is not attributable to anxiety about being observed whilst destroying the picture, nor is it entirely due to simple visual association (...)
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  47.  70
    What does language acquisition tell us about language evolution?Paul Bloom - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (4):553-554.
  48.  37
    Are there principles that apply only to the acquisition of words? A reply to Waxman and Booth.Paul Bloom & Lori Markson - 2001 - Cognition 78 (1):89-90.
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  49.  40
    Preschoolers are sensitive to the speaker's knowledge when learning proper names.Paul Bloom - manuscript
    Unobservable properties that are specific to individuals, such as their proper names, can only be known by people who are familiar with those individuals. Do young children utilize this “familiarity principle” when learning language? Experiment 1 tested whether forty-eight 2- to 4-year-old children were able to determine the referent of a proper name such as “Jessie” based on the knowledge that the speaker was familiar with one individual but unfamiliar with the other. Even 2-year-olds successfully identified Jessie as the individual (...)
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  50.  11
    Language, Logic, and Concepts: Essays in Memory of John Macnamara.John Macnamara, Ray Jackendoff, Paul Bloom & Karen Wynn - 2002 - MIT Press.
    A wide-ranging collection of essays inspired by the memory of the cognitive psychologist John Macnamara.
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