Wie sind Friedens- und Rechtsverhältnisse innerhalb und zwischen den Staaten zu etablieren? Lange vor Kants Schrift "Zum ewigen Frieden" (1795) wurde in der französischen Aufklärung versucht, sowohl die im Inneren der modernen Nationalstaaten als auch die in der Struktur der internationalen Beziehungen liegenden Gründe für die Dynamik des Krieges und der Herrschaft des Rechts des Stärkeren aufzudecken. Die vorliegende Untersuchung zeigt, dass Abbé Saint-Pierre und Jean-Jacques Rousseau die historische und systematische Analyse und Kritik der modernen Staatenwelt erstmals auf (...) der Ebene des neuzeitlichen politischen Denkens durchgeführt haben. (shrink)

Pierre Saint-Germier | : Nous discutons la thèse, acceptée par de nombreux théoriciens des intuitions rationnelles, selon laquelle ces dernières s’accompagnent d’une apparence de nécessité. L’existence d’intuitions rationnelles ayant pour objet des propositions contingentes jette un doute sur l’adéquation de cette thèse. Le problème peut trouver une solution dans le cadre d’une théorie faillibiliste des intuitions rationnelles, pourvu que l’on admette des illusions modales inéliminables. En nous appuyant sur une explication bidimensionnelle de l’a priori contingent, nous défendons (...) une solution différente consistant à reconsidérer le contenu des apparences associées aux intuitions rationnelles : ce que l’on pourrait prendre pour des apparences de nécessité n’est autre qu’une manifestation de leur caractère a priori. | : We discuss the view, accepted by many rational intuition theorists, that rational intuitions involve appearances of necessity. The fact that we can have rational intuitions of contingent propositions casts a doubt on the adequacy of this view. This fact can be accommodated by a fallibilist theory of rational intuitions, provided one accepts that these intuitions generate ineliminable modal illusions. Drawing on two-dimensional explanations of the contingent a priori, we defend an alternative view according to which the appearances involved in rational intuitions are not appearances of necessity but rather an expression of their a priori status. (shrink)

Summary In this contribution, I reassess the opposition between Saint-Pierre's idealism and Rousseau's realism. Rousseau accuses Saint-Pierre of having a defect in his analysis and political judgement which, if he had been consistent, would have led to a revolutionary position in the strong sense ? a position of which the author of The Social Contract himself disapproved. In short, not only was Saint-Pierre far from being a convinced absolutist; Rousseau's own writings on the Abbé (...) do not advocate a ?republican solution?, which he regarded as impracticable for the Europe of his time. (shrink)

Saint-Pierre's European Union, an alternative to the balance of power system and a safeguard against universal monarchy, was based on abolition of state sovereignty. Beyond the law of nations, the Union was to ensure European domination of the world and the use of the world's resources in Europe's own interest. A first step towards this goal was a universal crusade to ‘chase the Turk out of Europe and even out of Asia and Africa’. In this, Saint-Pierre (...) followed the logic of Western irenism. (shrink)

It would be easy to oppose Peter Abelard and Hugh of Saint-Victor as two opposed types of masters: on one side the “intellectual,” in almost the modern sense of the word, and on the other side, a representative of the humanist, clerical and monastic tradition, soon to be effaced. In order to highlight the real significance of their divergences and the profound coherence of both historical and intellectual personalities, in this article the author investigated their social origins, how each (...) one conceived the relation between the individual and the group,and finally the way in which each appropriates earlier texts. Thus, in many respects Abelard and Hugh appear as opposite poles in the intellectual world of the twelfth century, but in a different perspective, thanks to the synthesis accomplished by their common students, as inseparable and complementary sources of what became the Scholastic age. (shrink)

It would be easy to oppose Peter Abelard and Hugh of Saint-Victor as two opposed types of masters: on one side the “intellectual,” in almost the modern sense of the word, and on the other side, a representative of the humanist, clerical and monastic tradition, soon to be effaced. In order to highlight the real significance of their divergences and the profound coherence of both historical and intellectual personalities, in this article the author investigated their social origins, how each (...) one conceived the relation between the individual and the group,and finally the way in which each appropriates earlier texts. Thus, in many respects Abelard and Hugh appear as opposite poles in the intellectual world of the twelfth century, but in a different perspective, thanks to the synthesis accomplished by their common students, as inseparable and complementary sources of what became the Scholastic age. (shrink)

Intellectual encounters between Europe and the Middle East have a long and rich history. During the last two centuries these encounters have accelerated, creating valuable opportunities to study the evolution of political concepts and dissemination of political ideas. This article examines one example of such encounters, showing how a liberal Persian intellectual of the late nineteenth century has borrowed and manipulated concepts from a French Romanticist of the late seventeenth century. Guided by theoretical insights from Quentin Skinner and Fred Dallmayr, (...) this article demonstrates the importance of context to the development of political thought, and refutes the conventional suggestion that Middle Eastern liberals have been the passive recipients of Western ideas. (shrink)