Carl Schmitt is one of the most widely read and influential German thinkers of the twentieth century. His fundamental works on friend and enemy, legality and legitimacy, dictatorship, political theology and the concept of the political are read today with great interest by everyone from conservative Catholic theologians to radical political thinkers on the left. In his private life, however, Schmitt was haunted by the demons of his wild anti-Semitism, his self-destructive and compulsive sexuality and his deep-seated resentment against the (...) complacency of bourgeois life. As a young man from a modest background, full of social envy, he succeeded in making his way to the top of the academic discipline of law in Germany through his exceptional intellectual prowess. And yet he never felt at home in the academic establishment and among those of high social standing. In his works, Schmitt unmasked the liberal Rechtsstaat as a constitutional façade and reflected on the legitimacy of dictatorship. When the Nazis seized power Schmitt was susceptible to their ideology. He broke with his Jewish friends, joined the Nazi Party in May 1933 and lent a helping hand to Hitler, thereby becoming deeply entangled with the regime. Schmitt was irrevocably compromised by his role as the ‘crown jurist’ of the Third Reich. But by 1936 he had already lost his influential position. After the war, he led a secluded life in his home town in the Sauerland and became a key background figure in the intellectual scene of postwar Germany. Reinhard Mehring’s outstanding biography is the most comprehensive work available on the life and work of Carl Schmitt. Based on thorough research and using new sources that were previously unavailable, Mehring portrays Schmitt as a Shakespearean figure at the centre of the German catastrophe. (shrink)
Suite à quelques réflexions sur la formation des professeurs et sur la priorité normative du libéralisme devant la démocratie, l’auteur soutient, dans un premier temps, que l’éducation politique dans le secondaire devrait enseigner essentiellement les institutions politiques et le système légal en tant que tels. Dans un deuxième temps, il constate une tension croissante entre le devoir de l’éducation démocratique et la formation du jugement politique, et ce dans une réalité politique toujours plus complexe et diverse.
After 1945, Carl Schmitt largely revoked his nationalist positions from before the war, although he also rarely publicly voiced his opinion about the Federal Republic of Germany and the development of the European Union. However, his complex system of categories offers manifold possibilities for an independent update. This paper aims to sketch the development of Schmitt?s friend-enemy theory in his Theory of the Partisan, adapting this treatise to present issues. It further tries to, using Schmitt?s categories, address the current situation (...) in the EU from the perspective of the Federal Republic of Germany. nema. (shrink)
Ausgehend von einigen Überlegungen zur Lehrerausbildung und zum normativen Vorrang des Liberalismus vor der Demokratie plädiert der Beitrag zunächst für eine rechtssystematische und institutionenkundliche Orientierung des Politikunterrichts und konstatiert dann eine wachsende Spannung zwischen den Aufgaben der Demokratieerziehung und der politischen Urteilsbildung in einer zunehmend komplexen und amorphen politischen Realität.
Polazeći od nekih razmatranja o obuci učitelja općenito, a i o normativnom primatu liberalizma nad demokracijom, autor zagovara stajalište da bi političko obrazovanje u srednjim školama trebalo podučavati osnove političkih institucija i pravnog sistema kao takve. Međutim, čini se da postoji rastući konflikt između učenja demokraciji i sposobnosti političkog prosuđivanja u sve kompleksnijoj i raznolikijoj političkoj stvarnosti.
