Results for 'Religious political parties'

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  1. Religious Political Parties and the Limits of Political Liberalism.Matteo Bonotti - 2011 - Res Publica 17 (2):107-123.
    Political parties have only recently become a subject of investigation in political theory. In this paper I analyse religious political parties in the context of John Rawls’s political liberalism. Rawlsian political liberalism, I argue, overly constrains the scope of democratic political contestation and especially for the kind of contestation channelled by parties. This restriction imposed upon political contestation risks undermining democracy and the development of the kind of democratic ethos (...)
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  2.  64
    Religious Parties, Religious Political Identity, and the Cold Shoulder of Liberal Democratic Thought.Nancy L. Rosenblum - 2003 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 6 (1):23-53.
    Elements of the relation between religion and politics are standard themes in political theory: toleration and free exercise rights; the parameters of separation of church and state; arguments for and against constraints imposed on religious discourse by philosophic norms of public reason. But religious parties and partisanship are no part of political theory, despite contemporary interest in value pluralism and in liberal democratic theory's capacity to address multicultural, religious, and ethnic group claims. This essay (...)
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  3.  18
    Religious Interactions of the Romanian Political Parties. Case Study: The Christian-Democratic Connection.Nicolae Paun, Georgiana Ciceo & Dorin Domuta - 2009 - Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 8 (24):104-132.
    Over the past 20 years, along with official endeavors directed towards the accession of Romania into the European structures, political parties tried to integrate themselves into wider European families. Approaching the European People’s Party (the most prominent group in the European Parliament) - dominated by Christian democrats whose existence was largely influenced by the Catholic social teaching - seemed to be one of the most difficult tasks. For their first European elections held in 2007 several Romanian political (...)
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  4.  12
    Religious Parties and the Problem of Democratic Political Legitimacy.Bryan T. McGraw - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (3):289-313.
  5.  17
    The Influence of the Religious Factors on the Electoral Option – Quantitative Analysis.Tudorel Andrei, Ion Gh Rosca, Stelian Stancu & Andreea Iluzia Iacob - 2008 - Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 7 (21):20-43.
    In this study there are presented a series of aspects concerning the religious behavior of the Romanian population. By using quantitative analysis we have identified a series of religious key factors which can be used by parties and politicians to obtain votes during election campaigns. The obtained results highlight the fact that people with a lower level of education are more receptive to the political messages transmitted by religious means. Also, the influence of political (...)
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  6.  24
    Political Articulation: Parties and the Constitution of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey.Cedric De Leon, Manali Desai & Cihan Tuğal - 2009 - Sociological Theory 27 (3):193-219.
    Political parties do not merely reflect social divisions, they actively construct them. While this point has been alluded to in the literature, surprisingly little attempt has been made to systematically elaborate the relationship between parties and the social, which tend to be treated as separate domains contained by the disciplinary division of labor between political science and sociology. This article demonstrates the constructive role of parties in forging critical social blocs in three separate cases, India, (...)
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  7.  39
    Banning Parties: Religious and Ethnic Partisanship in Multicultural Democracies.Nancy L. Rosenblum - 2007 - Law and Ethics of Human Rights 1 (1):17-75.
    One under-theorized aspect of "multiculturalism and the antidiscrimination principle" is religious and ethnicity based political parties. With political organization, the fact of pluralism is made concrete for democratic purposes. When the struggle for empowerment is "waged within the world of democratic politics" it is waged through parties. That is the associational form modern democracies have settled on for participation, representation, and governing, and for countervailing power and regular opposition. Particularist parties and bloc voting are (...)
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  8.  35
    Epistemic Political Egalitarianism, Political Parties, and Conciliatory Democracy.Martin Ebeling - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):629-656.
    This article presents two interlocking arguments for epistemic political egalitarianism. I argue, first, that coping with multidimensional social complexity requires the integration of expertise. This is the task of political parties as collective epistemic agents who transform abstract value judgments into sufficiently coherent and specific conceptions of justice for their society. Because parties thus severely lower the relevant threshold of comparison of political competence, citizens have reason to regard each other as epistemic equals. Drawing on (...)
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  9.  9
    Is There a Sound Democratic Case for Raising the Membership of Young People in Political Parties and Trade Unions Through Descriptive Representation?Thomas Tozer - 2018 - Intergenerational Justice Review 4 (2).
    Young people are seriously under-represented in both political parties and trade unions. I argue that a dependent conception of democracy interested in substantive equality, not merely formal equality, would support addressing this problem through descriptive representation. The essay begins by considering the requirements of democracy, and whether these can support a case for descriptive representation. Although descriptive representation entails democratic costs, there is a contingent case for group representation that is consistent with the aims of democracy. Young people, (...)
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  10.  10
    Political Parties and Religion in Post-Decembrist Romania.Flaviu Calin Rus - 2009 - Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 8 (24):133-150.
    The present text aims at mapping out a synopsis of the main political parties from Romania after 1989 on the one hand, and at pointing out the way in which their activity interferes with religion, on the other hand. To this point we have endeavored to place emphasis on the role played by the church within the Romanian society, as well as the main paths of influence the clerical representatives may exert upon the political life, occasionally voluntarily, (...)
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  11.  1
    Is There a Sound Democratic Case for Raising the Membership of Young People in Political Parties and Trade Unions Through Descriptive Representation?Thomas Tozer - 2018 - Intergenerational Justice Review 4 (2).
    Young people are seriously under-represented in both political parties and trade unions. I argue that a dependent conception of democracy interested in substantive equality, not merely formal equality, would support addressing this problem through descriptive representation. The essay begins by considering the requirements of democracy, and whether these can support a case for descriptive representation. Although descriptive representation entails democratic costs, there is a contingent case for group representation that is consistent with the aims of democracy. Young people, (...)
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  12.  15
    Against the Political Use of Religious Exemptions.Brian Hutler - 2019 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 47 (3):319-342.
    Many religious freedom laws provide exemptions to persons who refuse to comply with certain laws on religious grounds. But these exemptions are increasingly used (by claimants and others) to advance political goals. For example, religious freedom lawsuits helped to undermine the Affordable Care Act’s guarantee of coverage for contraceptives. And the recent Masterpiece Cakeshop case was part of a broader effort to protest the right to same-sex marriage. This paper argues that the state should not grant (...)
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  13.  26
    Two Faces of American Pluralism: Political and Religious.Liliana Mihut - 2012 - Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 11 (33):39-61.
    The paper examines the contours, features and developments of two faces of pluralism, as well as their interactions. First of all, based on the analysis of the pluralist theories, it underlines that pluralism is not perceived now only as a particular American school of thought, but mostly as a generic concept with meanings and connotations that vary from one epoch to another. Second of all, it scrutinizes the political pluralism in the United States, more exactly the relationship between constitutional (...)
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  14.  17
    Lobbying – A Political Communication Tool for Churches and Religious Organizations.Liliana Mihut - 2011 - Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 10 (29):64-86.
    The paper focuses on demonstrating that, in spite of the controversies, lobbying has become an important political communication tool for churches and religious organizations in the United States and in the European Union as well. The American highly regulated lobbying system is compared to the lowly regulated system working at the level of European institutions. The following analysis highlights the differences that the two environments have generated in terms of the main issues and tools used by churches and (...)
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  15.  18
    Towards Global Political Parties.Heikki Patomäki - 2011 - Ethics and Global Politics 4 (2):81-102.
    While the transnational public sphere has existed in the Arendtian sense at least since the mid-19th century, a new kind of reflexively political global civil society emerged in the late 20th century. However, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), advocacy groups, and networks have limited agendas and legitimacy and, without the support of at least one state, limited means to realise changes. Since 2001, theWorld Social Forum (WSF) has formed a key attempt in forging links and ties of solidarity among diverse actors. (...)
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  16.  23
    The Instability of Korean Political Parties: Cue-Givers and Cue-Chasing Politicians.Jongkon Lee - 2014 - Japanese Journal of Political Science 15 (1):113-130.
    Korean political parties have been organizationally unstable for decades, even after 1987 when a democratic transition from authoritarian military-based politics was achieved. Many studies have argued that the instability has been caused by the Confucian culture of Korean politics. This paper suggests a different view of the political phenomenon: Korean party instability has been due to the of self-interested politicians, rather than Confucian morality. This study examines the proposition with a historical exploration of Korean political (...) between 1987 and 2012. (shrink)
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  17.  3
    Private Association and Public Brand: The Dualistic Conception of Political Parties in the Common Law World.Graeme Orr - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (3):332-349.
    This paper examines the legal conception of political parties. It does so by unearthing the history and ontology of the common law relating to political parties in international perspective. The flexibility of the unincorporated association, in which parties are understood through the private law of contract as networks of internal rules or agreements, rather than as legal entities, has proven to be a mask. In the common laws imagination, the ideal party is a ground-up organization (...)
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  18.  13
    Partisanship [ Partiinost'] in Philosophy and Political Parties.Z. M. Protasenko - 1970 - Russian Studies in Philosophy 9 (2):121-140.
    The interaction between philosophy and political parties is one of the most lively questions in the discipline of the history of philosophy and in the battle of ideas today. It affects both specialists in philosophy and representatives of other professions, particularly in the broad realm of creative intellectuals. It excites people of different generations living under different social systems and belonging to different and often opposed classes.
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  19.  3
    Issue Ownership as a Determinant of Political Parties’ Media Coverage.Kirsten Van Camp - 2018 - Communications 43 (1):25-45.
    For many citizens, news media are the most important source of information about relevant political topics and actors. As a consequence, it is crucial to investigate who gains media coverage and why. Leaning on two classic news sourcing criteria, suitability and availability, we claim that issue owners can be seen as good news sources. By combining a content analysis of television news with data collected through a journalist survey, we investigate whether issue ownership is a determinant of political (...)
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  20.  4
    Political Parties Online: Digital Democracy as Reflected in Three Dutch Political Party Web Sites.Liza Tsaliki, Nicholas W. Jankowski & Martine Van Selm - 2002 - Communications 27 (2):189-209.
    This paper examines how three Dutch political parties employ the Internet as a tool to enhance ‘digital democracy’. The potential of digital democracy is considered to be strongest in the sphere of collective action outside the domain of political institutions. In this article, however, attention is given to how institutionalized channels might be supportive of digital democracy. Three components of the democratic process – information provision, deliberation, and political decision-making – are examined in the content and (...)
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  21. Religious and Political Toleration in the Age of Globalization.Jovan Babić - 2002 - Filozofski Godišnjak (15):93-98.
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  22.  19
    Islamism Vs Secularism: A Religious- Political Struggle in Modern Nigeria.Mukhtar Umar Bunza - 2002 - Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 1 (2):49-65.
    This paper is a historically based approach to the topic of contemporary political and religious status of Nigeria. Recently, the secular administration by Islamists has generated violence between Muslims and Christians. The latter view Islamism as a gradual Islamisation of the country. Modern Islamists plead for a re-introduction of shari’a and OIC membership. They reject the secular status of Nigeria, the Islamic banking and educational system, etc. The meaning and purpose of these are not different from hijrah, and (...)
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  23.  16
    Factionalism in Australian Political Parties, Especially the ALP.John Kilcullen - manuscript
    (1) The basis of factionalism (in the ALP and also in the Liberal and other parties) is not ideology but PATRONAGE, i.e. the ability of factional leaders to confer jobs, honours and other good things on themselves and their favoured supporters. If you want a political career, join a faction and make yourself useful.
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  24.  75
    The Moral Basis of Religious Exemptions.Kevin Vallier - 2016 - Law and Philosophy 35 (1):1-28.
    Justifying religious exemptions is a complicated matter. Citizens ask to not be subject to laws that everyone else must follow, raising worries about equal treatment. They ask to be exempted on a religious basis, a basis that secular citizens do not share, raising worries about the equal treatment of secular and religious citizens. And they ask governmental structures to create exceptions in the government’s own laws, raising worries about procedural fairness and stability. We nonetheless think some (...) exemptions are appropriate, and in some cases, that exemptions are morally required. So how are we to determine when religious exemptions are justified? This article employs a public reason framework to provide an answer. I show how to publicly justify religious exemptions. My thesis is that a citizen merits a religious exemption under four conditions: if she has sufficient intelligible reason to oppose the law, if the law imposes unique and substantial burdens on the integrity of those exempted that are not off-set by comparable benefits, if the large majority of citizens have sufficient reason to endorse the law, and if the exempted group does not impose significant costs on other parties that require redress. If these conditions are met, then legislative and/or judicial bodies should carve out an exemption for those requesting them. (shrink)
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  25. Religious and Political Authority in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.Jon Mahoney & Kamel Alboaouh - 2017 - Manas Journal of Social Science 6 (02):241-257.
    Alfred Stepan’s “twin-tolerations” thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that religious and political authority come to be reconciled. In this paper, we investigate some obstacles and challenges to realizing a reconciliation between religious and political authority in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) that might result in a transition away from a theocratic monarchy to a more consultative form of political authority. Whereas most analyses of religion and politics in KSA focus on (...)
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  26.  21
    Convergence or Replacement? Attitudes Towards Political and Religious Institutions in Contemporary Romania.Natalia Vlas & Sergiu Gherghina - 2009 - Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 8 (24):70-94.
    Unlike other Post-Communist countries, Romania displays three clear individual-level trends related to political and religious institutions. The Romanians are the most supportive for the EU and Church, and the most critical towards national political institutions in the region. By conducting an empirical longitudinal study on the Romanian population, we aim to understand the linkages between these two trends and to identify what can explain the high level of trust vested by the Romanian citizens in the Orthodox Church (...)
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  27. The Roles of Religious Conviction in a Publicly Justified Polity: The Implications of Convergence, Asymmetry and Political Institutions.Gerald Gaus & Kevin Vallier - 2009 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):51-76.
    Our concern in this essay are the roles of religious conviction in what we call a “publicly justified polity” — one in which the laws conform to the Principle of Public Justification, according to which (in a sense that will become clearer) each citizen must have conclusive reason to accept each law as binding. According to “justificatory liberalism,”1 this public justification requirement follows from the core liberal commitment of respect for the freedom and equality of all citizens.2 To respect (...)
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  28.  6
    Political Parties Matter: Explaining Peaceful and Violent State–Islamist Interactions in Algeria, Egypt, Indonesia and Turkey.Gül M. Kurtoğlu-eski̇şar - 2008 - Japanese Journal of Political Science 9 (2):183-207.
    What explains the breakout of violence following the repression of moderate Islamist groups in some Muslim countries? Part of the answer can lie in the political organization style of those groups, which can constrain or expand their long-term strategy choices in unpredicted ways. Using examples from Algeria, Egypt, Indonesia, and Turkey, this study suggests that organizing as a political party can initially restrict the means of action otherwise available to a moderate Islamist movement, while the loose framework of (...)
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  29.  17
    Political and Religious Radicalism in the Thought of Jeremy Bentham.Philip Schofield - 1999 - History of Political Thought 20 (2):272-291.
    This paper challenges both the traditional view of L. Stephen and E. Albee that Bentham's attitude towards religion was irrelevant to his moral and political thought, and the revisionist critique of J.C.D. Clark and J.E. Crimmins that his religious radicalism was the prerequisite for his political radicalism. It also challenges the two further claims advanced by Crimmins: first, that Bentham was an atheist; and second, that he wished to eliminate religion from the mind. In contrast it is (...)
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  30.  41
    From Religious Transcendence to Political Utopia: The Legacy of Richard Turner for Post-Apartheid Political Thought.Laurence Piper - 2010 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 57 (123):77-98.
    In recent times South African politics has come to exhibit features typical of many post-colonial contexts, not least the rise of acrimonious and confrontational politics based around personalities and forms of populism. In such contexts rational dialogue and democratic deliberation become increasingly difficult to get going and to sustain. Drawing on Richard Turner's The Eye of the Needle, first published some forty years ago, the paper examines the role religion, and religious organisations, could play in returning such acrimonious public (...)
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  31.  1
    Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky: Towards the Problem of Formation of National-Political and Religious Views.Ya Bilas - 2002 - Ukrainian Religious Studies 25:64-72.
    Andrey Sheptytsky - Metropolitan of the Greek Catholic Church, belongs to the key figures of Ukrainian history of the first half of the twentieth century. Its influence on the spiritual and national-political life of Ukrainians of that time, the processes of crystallization of national consciousness, as well as on the sphere of practical politics, cannot be overestimated. A. Sheptytsky's life path is an object of constant attention of historians, but it would still be early to assert its full and (...)
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  32.  8
    From Religion to Politics: The Expression of Opinion as the Common Ground Between Religious Liberty and Political Participation in the Eighteenth-Century Conception of Natural Rights.G. Molivas - 2000 - History of Political Thought 21 (2):237-260.
    Although there has been growing awareness among historians of ideas of a close relationship between eighteenth-century religious and political argument, there is still no clear understanding of this kind of relationship. Despite its historical plausibility, the transition from religious to political thinking encounters serious logical obstacles stemming mainly from the traditional distinction between spiritual and temporal matters. This distinction, as articulated in the initial attempts to establish religious toleration, would make it untenable to extend arguments (...)
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  33. Religious and Political Organizations as Subjects of National Processes in Ukraine.Olena Bortnikova - 2016 - Ukrainian Religious Studies 79:49-53.
    Olena Bortnikova. Religious and political organizations as subjects of national processes in Ukraine In the article the different approaches to defining the essence of religious and political organizations as subjects of national processes and their role in the functioning and development of society. Attempted to characterize the basic methodological provisions for disclosure of the nature of religious and political actors as structural elements of ethnonational system, identifying different levels of accommodation in terms of social (...)
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  34.  36
    Crisis of Political Parties and Representative Democracies: Rethinking Parties in Associational, Experimentalist Governance.Veit Bader - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (3):350-376.
  35. Disagreeing with the (Religious) Skeptic.Tomas Bogardus - 2013 - International Journal for Philosophy of Religion 74 (1):5-17.
    Some philosophers believe that, when epistemic peers disagree, each has an obligation to accord the other’s assessment equal weight as her own. Other philosophers worry that this Equal-Weight View is vulnerable to straightforward counterexamples, and that it requires an unacceptable degree of spinelessness with respect to our most treasured philosophical, political, and religious beliefs. I think that both of these allegations are false. To show this, I carefully state the Equal-Weight View, motivate it, describe apparent counterexamples to it, (...)
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  36.  5
    Sovereignty, the Corporate Religious, and Jurisdictional/Political Pluralism.Jean L. Cohen - 2017 - Theoretical Inquiries in Law 18 (2):547-575.
    We typically associate sovereignty with the modern state and presuppose the coincidence of political rule, public power, government, legitimacy and jurisdiction with territorially delimited states. We are also used to referencing liberal principles of justice, egalitarian ideals of fairness, republican conceptions of non-domination and separation of powers, and democratic ideas of popular sovereignty, for the standards that should constitute, guide, limit and legitimate the exercise of sovereign power. This Article addresses an important challenge to these principles: the reemergence of (...)
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  37.  22
    Religion in the Public Square: The Place of Religious Convictions in Political Debate.Kent Greenawalt - 1999 - Philosophical Review 108 (2):293.
    These matched essays constitute an extremely valuable contribution on the place of religious ideas in our country’s political life. Robert Audi defends an “exclusivist” position: participants in political life fulfill the responsibilities of liberal citizenship best if they support only measures justified on secular grounds. Nicholas Wolterstorff argues for an “inclusivist” position: citizens and legislators are encouraged to rely on whatever sources, including religious ones, they find convincing.
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  38.  18
    Political Liberalism and Religious Claims: Four Blind Spots.Kristina Stoeckl - 2017 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 43 (1):34-50.
    This article gives an overview of 4 important lacunae in political liberalism and identifies, in a preliminary fashion, some trends in the literature that can come in for support in filling these blind spots, which prevent political liberalism from a correct assessment of the diverse nature of religious claims. Political liberalism operates with implicit assumptions about religious actors being either ‘liberal’ or ‘fundamentalist’ and ignores a third, in-between group, namely traditionalist religious actors and their (...)
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  39.  5
    With or Without Religious Symbols? Why Political Liberalism is Inconclusive in the Case of Civil Servants.François Levrau & Patrick Loobuyck - forthcoming - Res Publica:1-17.
    In this article, we scrutinize several arguments that are frequently used to legitimize a ban on religious symbols for civil servants. Most arguments, however, do not stand up to the test of Rawlsian political liberalism. One argument stands out as underpinning such a general ban: state neutrality. While this argument has the most potential, we argue why it is still not decisive for a ban on all religious symbols for all civil servants. We conclude that from a (...)
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  40.  14
    [Book Review] Religious Convictions and Political Choice. [REVIEW]Robert Audi - 1989 - Criminal Justice Ethics 8 (2):70-78.
    How far may Americans properly rely on their religious beliefs when they make and defend political decisions? For example, are ordinary citizens or legislators doing something wrong when they consciously allow their decisions respecting abortion laws to be determined by their religious views? Despite its intense contemporary relevance, the full dimensions of this issue have until now not been thoroughly examined. Religious Convictions and Political Choice represents the first attempt to fill this gap. Beginning with (...)
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  41.  25
    Religious Belief, Corporate Philanthropy, and Political Involvement of Entrepreneurs in Chinese Family Firms.Xingqiang Du - 2017 - Journal of Business Ethics 142 (2):385-406.
    This study examines whether religious belief influences an entrepreneur’s political involvement and further explores the moderating role of corporate philanthropy. Using the data from the 2008 national survey of Chinese family firms, my study provides strong evidence to show that the likelihood of political involvement is significantly higher for entrepreneurs with religious beliefs than for their counterparts, suggesting that religious entrepreneurs in Chinese family firms are more likely to participate in political affairs. This finding (...)
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  42.  34
    Religious Business Ethics and Political Liberalism: An Integrative Approach. [REVIEW]Moses L. Pava - 1998 - Journal of Business Ethics 17 (15):1633-1652.
    Increasingly many business practitioners and academics are turning to religious sources as a way of approaching and answering difficult questions related to business ethics. There now exists a relatively large literature which attempts to integrate business decisions and religious values. The integration, however, is not without difficulties. For many, religious ethics provides the basis and the ultimate authority for a morally meaningful life. Yet, at the same time, in certain contexts, it is often inappropriate to rely and (...)
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  43.  34
    Religious Culture and Political Action.Richard L. Wood - 1999 - Sociological Theory 17 (3):307-332.
    Recent work by political sociologists and social movement theorists extend our understanding of how religious institutions contribute to expanding democracy, but nearly all analyze religious institutions as institutions; few focus directly on what religion qua religion might contribute. This article strives to illuminate the impact of religious culture per se, extending recent work on religion and democratic life by a small group of social movement scholars trained also in the sociology of religion. In examining religion's democratic (...)
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  44.  12
    What’s Wrong with Homophobic Bakeries? A Critical Discussion of Discrimination and its Interaction with Political Freedoms and Religious Conscience, Drawing on the Asher’s Bakery Case in Northern Ireland and Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen’s Theory of Discrimination.David Lawrence - 2019 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 22 (1):61-76.
    The Asher’s Bakery case raises questions around discrimination against political causes and freedom of religious conscience. Using the Asher’s case, this essay builds on Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen’s work to develop a theory of discrimination which accounts for discrimination of political causes. The essay explores the normative implications of this account including the rights members of salient political causes, and discusses various objections; in particular, how discrimination claims should be balanced against freedom of religious conscience in a (...)
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  45.  5
    The Political Problem of Religious Pluralism: And Why Philosophers Can't Solve It.Thaddeus J. Kozinski - 2010 - Lexington Books.
    This book examines three notable philosophers' attempts to solve the political problem of religious pluralism: John Rawls, Jacques Maritain, and Alasdair MacIntyre. Although many philosophers have grappled with this problem, what has not been sufficiently explored is the reciprocal relationship of foundational belief to political theory and political theory to political practice. Kozinski, using thorough research and a high level of philosophical discourse, deals with these issues directly and astutely demonstrates how any solution that does (...)
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  46. Religious Goodness and Political Rightness: Beyond the Liberal-Communitarian Debate.Yong Huang - 1998 - Dissertation, Harvard University
    This thesis discusses the proper relationship between religion and politics, not as two kinds of institutions in a society but as two sets of beliefs within and among belief systems: people's religious ideas of the good human life and their political ideas of a right society, in a religiously plural context. ;It starts its discussion by critically examining two most important positions on this issue in contemporary public discourses: the liberal idea of priority of the right to the (...)
     
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  47.  43
    Taming the Leviathan: The Reception of the Political and Religious Ideas of Thomas Hobbes in England 1640–1700. [REVIEW]A. P. Martinich - 2009 - Journal of the History of Philosophy 47 (1):142-143.
    Parkin’s book covers the same period and much of the same material as John Bowle’s Hobbes and his Critics and Samuel Mintz’s The Hunting of Leviathan, but his scholarship is more extensive and significantly better than that of the earlier books. The scholarship is similar to that of Jeffrey Collins in Hobbes’s Allegiance and belongs to the same school of Cambridge contextualism. Parkin’s book contains good summaries of the books and pamphlets that were published about Hobbes’ political and (...) philosophy from 1640 until 1700. While much of this material is known to Hobbes scholars, Parkin has discovered or brought into play a large number of other works. It is good to have all of this material discussed in one place.The book contains, in addition to an Introduction and Conclusion, seven chapters: 1. Reading Hobbes before Leviathan ; 2. Leviathan ; 3. The Storm ; 4. Restoration ; 5. Hobbes and Hobbism ; 6. Hobbes and the Restoration Crisis ; and 7. Hobbes in the Glorious Revolution. (shrink)
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  48.  8
    Contact Religious Authority and the Creation of Hyper-Solidarity: Reflections on Israeli Politics and Islamic Political Thought.Ayman K. Agbaria - 2019 - Ethics and Education 14 (2):227-240.
    ABSTRACTThe purpose of this paper is to problematize the place of religious authority in politics and education. Specifically, this essay highlights the role of religious authority in establishing a moral order that values compliance and conformity at the expense of liberty and critique. In doing so, the essay reflects on Israeli politics and Islamic political thought. Pondering on both, the essay explains how the authority conferred through the use of religious language creates a condition of hyper-solidarity. (...)
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  49.  10
    Political Perspectives on Church Schools and Religious Education: A Discussion of the Period From Thatcher to Blair.William K. Kay - 2002 - Educational Studies 28 (1):61-75.
    Making use of material written by British prime ministers, a case is presented for understanding church schools and religious education in a way distinct from that normally utilised in academic discourse. Politicians in democratic countries depend on attracting votes to assume power. They therefore integrate church schools and religious education within existing political positions. Conservative politicans see church schools as being an example of parental choice and religious education as being an aid to moral education. Labour (...)
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  50.  69
    Religious Pluralism and Democratic Society: Political Liberalism and the Reasonableness of Religious Beliefs.Thomas Schmidt - 1999 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 25 (4):43-56.
    Critics of John Rawls' conception of a reasonable pluralism have raised the question of whether it is justified to demand that religious individuals should 'bracket' their essential, identity-constituting convictions when they enter a political discourse. I will argue that the criterion for religious beliefs of being justified as grounds for political decisions should be their ability of being 'translatable' in secular reasons for the very same decisions. This translation would demand 'epistemic abstinence' from religious believers (...)
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