Based on multiDEVS formalism, we introduce multiPDEVS, a parallel and nonmodular formalism for discrete event system specification. This formalism provides combined advantages of PDEVS and multiDEVS approaches, such as excellent simulation capabilities for simultaneously scheduled events and components able to influence each other using exclusively their state transitions. We next show the soundness of the formalism by giving a construction showing that any multiPDEVS model is equivalent to a PDEVS atomic model. We then present the simulation procedure associated, usually called (...) abstract simulator. As a well-adapted formalism to express cellular automata, we finally propose to compare an implementation of multiPDEVS formalism with a more classical Cell-DEVS implementation through a fire spread application. (shrink)

We explore one aspect of the structure of a codified legal system at the national level using a new type of representation to understand the strong or weak dependencies between the various fields of law. In Part I of this study, we analyze the graph associated with the network in which each French legal code is a vertex and an edge is produced between two vertices when a code cites another code at least one time. We show that this network (...) distinguishes from many other real networks from a high density, giving it a particular structure that we call concentrated world and that differentiates a national legal system (as considered with a resolution at the code level) from small-world graphs identified in many social networks. Our analysis then shows that a few communities (groups of highly wired vertices) of codes covering large domains of regulation are structuring the whole system. Indeed we mainly find a central group of influent codes, a group of codes related to social issues and a group of codes dealing with territories and natural resources. The study of this codified legal system is also of interest in the field of the analysis of real networks. In particular we examine the impact of the high density on the structural characteristics of the graph and on the ways communities are searched for. Finally we provide an original visualization of this graph on an hemicyle-like plot, this representation being based on a statistical reduction of dissimilarity measures between vertices. In Part II (a following paper) we show how the consideration of the weights attributed to each edge in the network in proportion to the number of citations between two vertices (codes) allows deepening the analysis of the French legal system. (shrink)

The development of art marketing as a new field of management occurs in a context of great confusion as to what constitutes the very definition of art, one aspect of this confusion being nothing else but the confusion between art and marketing itself. This confusion leads to conflicts between those who consider that art should be defined by a clear aesthetic criterion and those who accept the absence of such a criterion as a legitimate consequence of the principle of freedom (...) which applies both to the creation of the artist and to the taste of the public. This state of confusion does not seem to be experienced in the same way in France where it has tended to be considered as a symptom of crisis in the world of art and in the United States where it has raised as a dominant force in contemporary art. Hence the confusion of art and marketing varies as a function of time and of space. It will be proposed that it is possible to account for these historical fluctuation thanks to an institutional approach based on the notion of system of legitimacy. We shall propose the essentially dynamic institutional foundations of modernity leading to the proliferation of innovations which consequences are ever more difficult to anticipate as a reason why, in America, philosophers coming from the analytic tradition found it meaningful to address questions such as “What is art” or “When is there art” expressing the need to go beyond pragmatism as expressed by John Dewey’s Art as Experience to promote a positive attitude towards contemporary art, while, in France confusion between art and marketing has been commonly considered negatively as the sign of the triumph of the most radical form of rhetoric, i.e. sophism. (shrink)

Whereas Western moral philosophy has mainly accounted for recurrent failed or irrational actions through the concept of weakness of will, many early Chinese texts on self-cultivation, notably the Zhuangzi, stand for a philosophical position that explains our frustrations and failures as an "excess of the will." Leaving aside external factors such as accidents or mistakes, this essay explores the sources of thwarted plans and frustrated expectations that are due to factors internal to the individual—more precisely, to the nature of intentional (...) conscience. Such a view was generally inadmissible in Western moral philosophy, which revolves around the paradigm of a causal agent endowed with a 'muscular ethics' for which all that is desired, and indeed all that is achieved, may only be a direct effect of the will. In striking contrast to this orientation, the Zhuangzi presents a variety of situations in which things do not happen as planned because we were too aware of the plan that guided us. Here, I will use Jon Elster's concept of by-product states in order to explore this contrast between two contending models of action that, far from being culturally rooted, express an inner criticism in both traditions, European and Chinese. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Wittgenstein-Studien Jahrgang: 5 Heft: 1 Seiten: 101-132.

In this article, we provide a comprehensive analysis and a normative assessment of rationing through inconvenience as a form of rationing. By “rationing through inconvenience” in the health sphere, we refer to a nonfinancial burden that is either intended to cause or has the effect of causing patients or clinicians to choose an option for health-related consumption that is preferred by the health system for its fairness, efficiency, or other distributive desiderata beyond assisting the immediate patient. We argue that under (...) certain conditions, rationing through inconvenience may turn out to serve as a legitimate and, compared to direct rationing, even a preferable tool for rationing; we propose a research agenda to identify more precisely when that might be the case and when, alternatively, rationing through inconvenience remains ethically undesirable. After defining and illustrating rationing through inconvenience, we turn to its moral advantages and disadvantages over other rationing methods. We take it as a starting assumption that rationing, understood as scarce-resource prioritization, is inevitable and, in a society that has goals beyond optimizing health care for individual patients—such as improving societal health care, education, or overall welfare—prudent and fair. (shrink)

Leaving İstanbul Bilgi University on 22 May 2013, conveners of the İstanbul Seminars could not have guessed that less than a week later the arguments they had debated would be revisited under a new light. For little did anybody know that in the summer of 2013 İstanbul would become the stage of one of the most intriguing of urban uprisings in Turkish, if not world, contemporary history. In this article I would like to take up some of the challenges brought (...) up by Gezi resistance to rethink the concept of democracy through the changing ways in which people engage with urban public spaces in Turkey, and beyond. (shrink)

Unlike usual real graphs which have a low number of edges, we study here a dense network constructed from legal citations. This study is achieved on the simple graph and on the multiple graph associated to this legal network, this allows exploring the behavior of the network structural properties and communities by considering the weighted graph and see which additional information are provided by the weights. We propose new measures to assess the role of the weights in the network structure (...) and to appreciate the weights repartition. Then we compare the communities obtained on the simple graph and on the weighted graph. We also extend to weighted networks the amphitheater-like representation of this legal network. Finally we evaluate the robustness of our measures and methods thus taking into account potential errors which may occur by getting data or building the network. Our methodology may open new perspectives in the analysis of weighted networks. (shrink)

With the ratification of Multilateral Environmental Agreements the countries of the international community or of intentional communities—be they political, economic, financial, securitarian or strategic—endow these instruments of international cooperation with significant autonomy. From the 3550 dates of ratification of these MEAs recorded from 1979 to mid-September 2014, we produce a graph whose vertices are the 48 MEAs and whose links are induced by the succession of ratifications in time. On this basis we propose a diagnosis on the international acceptance of (...) this type of legal instruments and their vulnerability in a global context that builds on the change in the balance of powers as a result of globalization, the break of the bipolar and then unipolar system, and the rise of new powers. Thus, it appears that a global environmental order has been promoted and implemented with some success in the 90s mainly by liberal Western countries who were then able to lead other countries less likely to bind to the fulfillment of environmental obligations. However, the expansion of this global environmental order now seems frozen, due to the current crisis of multilateralism. The rise of many countries, particularly in the South, whose environmental, political and economic weight grew, confronted with the “stable community” formed in the past 35 years suggests that there is a real power shift in the international arena and consequently, multilateralism needs to reflect this new reality. In other terms, the global environmental order is being slowly reformed. As a consequence, the treaties formed clusters in the past but they did not follow the same pattern since the twenty-first century began. (shrink)

En ce début de xxie siècle, notre réflexion se base sur certains éléments de l'histoire récente et des développements contemporains de la lutherie électronique. Face aux nouvelles catégories organologiques d' « instruments virtuels » et d' « instruments aphones » dont il analyse les tenants et les aboutissants, ce travail tente de tirer dans une perspective ontologique des enseignements sur l'essence de ce que l'on nomme communément un « instrument de musique ». La problématique posée par l'apparition des interfaces musicales (...) place ici comme central le rapport entre geste et son (« g-son ») tout en nous questionnant sur la pérennité des nouveaux instruments. Différents aspects culturels externes à la seule innovation organologique semblent en effet relever d'une importance toute aussi capitale pour asseoir son inscription dans le domaine de l'instrumentalité et lui conférer un statut plein et entier d' « instrument de musique ». (shrink)

Cet article examine la textualité des relations des ambassadeurs vénitiens du xvie siècle. S’attachant en particulier à la partie finale des relazioni, traditionnellement consacrée aux amitiés et inimitiés princières, l’analyse rend visible la façon dont ces discours constituent l’une des premières matrices de la pensée des relations internationales à l’époque moderne.

Dans la péninsule italienne, à une quarantaine d’années de guerres incessantes fait suite, à partir de 1494, une longue période de paix relative jusqu’à la fin du xviiie siècle. Florence, Venise et Rome sont alors les trois espaces culturels et politiques où naissent les réflexions les plus importantes – et les plus « européennes » – sur la question de la guerre et sur le déploiement d’un « après-guerre ». Après la pensée florentine qui articule politique de conquête et nécessité (...) de la conservation en temps de guerre, « l’après-guerre»s’inscrit dans une tension potentielle, sinon permanente, entre l’impossibilité de la paix et l’acceptation de la domination politico-militaire. La compréhension des effets de cette situation peut passer par l’éloge de la neutralité et de la pacification des rapports de force, notamment dans la pensée vénitienne. Dans cette perspective, la paix constitue un cadre à la fois imposé et en mouvement. Le questionnement concerne du coup ce que la guerre transmet à l’après-guerre. Puisque la guerre est une expérience radicale, une expérience de la limite, elle est du coup porteuse d’un savoir qui acquiert une nécessité : de ce fait, ce savoir continue d’informer la réflexion, même quand la conjoncture s’est modifiée du tout au tout. Ainsi, même lorsqu’on fait passer les raisons de la conservation avant celles de la conquête, on ne remplace pas la guerre par la paix. On a cessé de penser qu’après la guerre était la paix : bien au contraire, on a placé la guerre au principe de la paix. (shrink)

Alors même qu'elle n'y est que rarement définie, la question de la censure est à l'arrière plan d'une large part de la pensée politique italienne de l'époque dite de la Contre-Réforme (Botero, Fracchetta, Ammirato, Albergati, Possevino). Elle constitue toutefois une pierre de touche permettant de contester l'idée, aujourd'hui répandue, d'une homogénéité de pensée entre tous les théoriciens de la raison d'État. Alors que certains d'entre eux acceptent le modèle ancien de la censure politique romaine, réactualisé par la théorie juridique bodinienne, (...) les principaux représentants de la raison d'État catholique semblent la rejeter, ou du moins l'ignorer, au profit d'un autre modèle, celui de la censure ecclésiastique. Directement opposés à Bodin, ces auteurs développent cependant le programme que celui-ci expose dans son chapitre De la censure (République, VI, 1) : un contrôle social de la population pensé sur le modèle de la vision panoptique et omnisciente. Mais ils prétendent à une efficacité majeure, grâce à la multiplication des outils et des occasions du contrôle. Il ne s'agit plus simplement de dénombrer les sujets et leurs biens, mais d'épier directement leurs actions et leurs pensées : la figure du censeur fait place à celle de l'espion. Tel qu'il est formulé par tous ces auteurs, l'enjeu principal du contrôle social est bien de connaître les opinions des hommes et de soumettre les consciences ; or la force de la proposition des penseurs catholiques consiste à confier cette tâche ' politique ' à la seule autorité légitime en matière de gouvernement des âmes : le clergé, chargé de la confession et de la direction des consciences. De la sorte, la raison d'État catholique prétend à une efficacité politique supérieure à toute théorie qui détache l'État de sa bride confessionnelle. (shrink)

Dans le contexte de la réaction romaine aux guerres de religions françaises, Giovanni Botero, premier théoricien de la raison d'État, effectue une opération originale : il place la question économique au cœur même de la pensée politique et de la théorie de l'État. L'enjeu est de définir une pensée de l'État entièrement fondée sur une idée de puissance qu'il oppose explicitement au concept de souveraineté. Contre la nouvelle théorisation juridico-politique d'origine française qui ne cesse de se répandre en Europe, Botero (...) propose ainsi un modèle politique qui allie l'analyse machiavélienne des rapports de forces et l'étude des conditions du développement économique des États. (shrink)

Il n’est pas sûr que l’opposition dialectique État/empire soit un outil qui permette de comprendre finement le processus historique qu’elle entend éclairer. Plutôt que d’opposer ce que l’on doit aux empires à ce que l’on a cru être le produit exclusif des États, il convient de reconnaître l’articulation étroite et complexe entre les uns et les autres. Au même titre que l’idée moderne d’État façonnée sur la réalité des États-nations, cette opposition n’est-elle pas une invention récente ? Dans le « (...) laboratoire » italien de la politique moderne, on était conscient de la grande variété des assises territoriales et des formes de domination, qui ne correspondaient pas à une division si tranchée. L’étude des concepts de la pensée politique et de l’historiographie italienne au XVIe siècle permet ainsi d’interroger cette dichotomie et la pertinence d’une interprétation de la modernité sur la base de l’opposition tranchée entre deux grands modèles territoriaux et administratifs. (shrink)