21 found
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  1.  38
    From Charlottesville to the Nobel: Political Leaders and the Morality of Political Honors.Shmuel Nili - 2020 - Ethics 130 (3):415-445.
    Political honors are ubiquitous in public life, whether in the form of public monuments, street names, or national holidays. Yet such honors have received scant attention from normative political theorists. Tackling this gap, I begin by criticizing a desert-based approach to political honors. I then argue that morally appropriate honors are best understood as marking and reinforcing the moral commitments of the collective in whose name they are being awarded. I show how this thesis clarifies and organizes core intuitions regarding (...)
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  2.  35
    Conceptualizing the Curse: Two Views on Our Responsibility for The'resource Curse'.Shmuel Nili - 2011 - Ethics and Global Politics 4 (2):103-124.
    This essay critically engages proposals by Thomas Pogge and Leif Wenar meant to combat ‘the resource curse.’ Pogge and Wenar call for boycotts against stealing oppressors, sharing the expectation that the boycotts will significantly contribute to economic and political reform in the target countries. In contrast, I argue that liberal democracies should indeed stop trading with dictators and civil warriors, but for inward rather than outward looking reasons. We, the citizens of liberal democracies through our elected governments, ought to boycott (...)
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  3.  13
    The People’s Duty.Shmuel Nili - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (4):622-627.
  4.  19
    Conceptualizing the Curse: Two Views on Our Responsibility for the %26lsquo%3Bresource Curse%26rsquo%3B.Shmuel Nili - 2011 - Ethics and Global Politics 4 (2):103-124.
    This essay critically engages proposals by Thomas Pogge and Leif Wenar meant to combat ‘the resource curse.’ Pogge and Wenar call for boycotts against stealing oppressors, sharing the expectation that the boycotts will significantly contribute to economic and political reform in the target countries. In contrast, I argue that liberal democracies should indeed stop trading with dictators and civil warriors, but for inward rather than outward looking reasons. We, the citizens of liberal democracies through our elected governments, ought to boycott (...)
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  5.  39
    Our Problem of Global Justice.Shmuel Nili - 2011 - Social Theory and Practice 37 (4):629-653.
    Global justice seems to be all about "us" treating "them," especially "their" problem of extreme poverty. This article argues that there is such a thing as our problem of global justice, and that it must be both temporally and logically prior to the problem of global justice. In order to establish this thesis, I seek to corroborate three main claims: that our elected governments are actively complicit in dictators' de facto armed robbery of their population's resources; that each democracy as (...)
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  6.  4
    Global Justice and Global Realities.Shmuel Nili - 2016 - Journal of International Political Theory 12 (2):200-216.
    Should global political theory “get real,” focusing on real-world moral failures? I argue that, insofar as we think it important to reflect on global morality in a world of separate states, the answer is yes. In the article’s first stage, I set up the argument by suggesting that our only convincing reasons to reject the idea of a world state are non-ideal—these reasons concern failures to comply with moral duties, rather than ideal visions of a perfectly just world of full (...)
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  7.  73
    Who’s Afraid of a World State? A Global Sovereign and the Statist-Cosmopolitan Debate.Shmuel Nili - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (3):241-263.
  8.  17
    The Moving Global Everest: A New Challenge to Global Ideal Theory as a Necessary Compass.Shmuel Nili - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):87-108.
    I present a new challenge to the Rawlsian insistence on ideal theory as a compass orienting concrete policy choices. My challenge, focusing on global politics, consists of three claims. First, I contend that our global ideal can become more ambitious over time. Second, I argue that Rawlsian ideal theory’s level of ambition might change because of concrete policy choices, responding to moral failures which can be identified and resolved without ideal theory. Third, I argue that we currently face such potentially (...)
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  9.  38
    Rigorist Cosmopolitanism: A Kantian Alternative to Pogge.Shmuel Nili - 2013 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (3):260-287.
    What counts as global ‘harm’? This article explores this question through critical engagement with Thomas Pogge’s conception of negative duties not to harm. My purpose here is to show that while Pogge is right to orient global moral claims around negative duties not to harm, he is mistaken in departing from the standard understanding of these duties. Pogge ties negative duties to global institutions, but I argue that truly negative duties cannot apply to such institutions. In order to retain the (...)
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  10.  22
    A Poggean Passport for Fairness? Why Rawls’ Theory of Justice Did Not Become Global.Shmuel Nili - 2010 - Ethics and Global Politics 3 (4):277-301.
    Thomas Pogge has been challenging liberal thinking on global politics, often through critical engagement with John Rawls’ work. Pogge presents both normative and empirical arguments against Rawls: normatively, Rawls’ domestic Theory of Justice and global Law of Peoples are incompatible ideal theories; empirically, LP is too removed from the actual world to guide the foreign policy of liberal societies. My main purpose here is to contest the first, ideal theory criticism in order to direct more attention to the second, non-ideal (...)
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  11.  20
    Rawlzickian Global Politics.Shmuel Nili - 2013 - Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (4):473-495.
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  12.  14
    Customary Trade and the Complications of Consent.Shmuel Nili - 2017 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 34 (3):315-330.
    Global justice theorists have given much attention to corporations' purchases of state-owned natural resources controlled by dictators. These resources, the common argument goes, belong to the people rather than to those who exercise effective political power. Dictators who rely on violence to secure their political power and who sell state-owned natural resources without authorisation from their people, or from their people's elected delegates, are therefore violating their peoples' property rights. But many dictatorships also distribute natural resource revenue to the population, (...)
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  13.  24
    Between Domestic and Global Justice.Shmuel Nili - 2014 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 11 (4):55-81.
    What kind of normative constraints do domestic political theories generate at the global level? While much attention has been given to the global implications of specific domestic theories, little if any attention has been dedicated to the more general question - in what ways can a domestic theory of justice generate normative constraints for a global theory of justice? My aim here is to take first steps in addressing this meta-theoretical question. The main reason why global justice theorists have been (...)
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  14.  13
    Global Taxation, Global Reform, and Collective Action.Shmuel Nili - 2014 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 1 (1):83-103.
    This article asks how global tax reform relates to other emerging proposals for global economic reform. Specifically, I will try to contribute to the philosophical understanding of this relationship, by comparing global tax reform with a reform seeking to end dictators’ trading privileges in their peoples’ natural resources. Through this comparison, I intend to establish two main claims. At a concrete, practical level, I hope to show that reform of dictators’ resource privilege will be easier to initiate than legal reform (...)
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  15.  4
    Between Domestic and Global Justice.Shmuel Nili - 2015 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 12 (1):55-81.
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  16.  38
    Humanitarian Disintervention.Shmuel Nili - 2011 - Journal of Global Ethics 7 (1):33 - 46.
    When discussing whether or not our elected governments should intervene to end genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity in other countries, the humanitarian intervention debate has largely been assuming that liberal democracies bear no responsibility for the injustice at hand: someone else is committing shameful acts; we are merely considering whether or not we have a positive duty to do something about it. Here I argue that there are important instances in which this dominant third party perspective (...)
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  17.  10
    Alison Jaggar (Ed.), Thomas Pogge and His Critics.Shmuel Nili - 2013 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 10 (1):105-108.
  18. Integrity, Personal, and Political.Shmuel Nili - 2020 - Oxford University Press.
    This book provides a novel account of integrity and its relevance to both individual and collective conduct, and analyses a wide range of practical policy problems.
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  19.  17
    The Idea of Public Property.Shmuel Nili - 2018 - Ethics 129 (2):344-369.
    Political theory lacks a compelling account of public property. Addressing this gap, I present a “deep public ownership” model, according to which the body politic ultimately owns all the resources within its jurisdiction. I argue that this model is compatible with liberal intuitions regarding private property. I then contend that the model expands the scope of government’s duty to uphold the equality of all citizens, by challenging private property constraints on antidiscriminatory government policies. I anticipate the worry that the model (...)
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  20. The People's Duty: Collective Agency and the Morality of Public Policy.Shmuel Nili - 2019 - Cambridge University Press.
    Can we talk about "the people" as an agent with its own morally important integrity? How should we understand ownership of public property by "the people"? Nili develops philosophical answers to both of these questions, arguing that we should see the core project of a liberal legal system – realizing equal rights - as an identity-grounding project of the sovereign people, and thus as essential to the people's integrity. He also suggests that there are proprietary claims that are intertwined in (...)
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  21.  6
    The People’s Integrity and Property – a Reply to My Critics.Shmuel Nili - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (4):657-666.