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Profile: Susan Gelman (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor)
  1.  12
    Categories and Induction in Young Children.Susan A. Gelman & Ellen M. Markman - 1986 - Cognition 23 (3):183-209.
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  2.  13
    Insides and Essences: Early Understandings of the Non-Obvious.Susan A. Gelman & Henry M. Wellman - 1991 - Cognition 38 (3):213-244.
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  3.  50
    Early Word-Learning Entails Reference, Not Merely Associations.R. Waxman Sandra & A. Gelman Susan - 2009 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 13 (6):258-263.
  4.  11
    The Role of Covariation Versus Mechanism Information in Causal Attribution.Woo-Kyoung Ahn, Charles W. Kalish, Douglas L. Medin & Susan A. Gelman - 1995 - Cognition 54 (3):299-352.
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  5.  57
    Generic Statements Require Little Evidence for Acceptance but Have Powerful Implications.Andrei Cimpian, Amanda C. Brandone & Susan A. Gelman - 2010 - Cognitive Science 34 (8):1452-1482.
    Generic statements (e.g., “Birds lay eggs”) express generalizations about categories. In this paper, we hypothesized that there is a paradoxical asymmetry at the core of generic meaning, such that these sentences have extremely strong implications but require little evidence to be judged true. Four experiments confirmed the hypothesized asymmetry: Participants interpreted novel generics such as “Lorches have purple feathers” as referring to nearly all lorches, but they judged the same novel generics to be true given a wide range of prevalence (...)
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  6.  31
    Why Essences Are Essential in the Psychology of Concepts.Woo-Kyoung Ahn, Charles Kalish, Susan A. Gelman, Douglas L. Medin, Christian Luhmann, Scott Atran, John D. Coley & Patrick Shafto - 2001 - Cognition 82 (1):59-69.
  7.  4
    Bewitchment, Biology, or Both: The Co‐Existence of Natural and Supernatural Explanatory Frameworks Across Development.Cristine H. Legare & Susan A. Gelman - 2008 - Cognitive Science 32 (4):607-642.
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  8.  21
    How Biological is Essentialism.Susan A. Gelman & Lawrence A. Hirschfeld - 1999 - In D. Medin & S. Atran (eds.), Folkbiology. MIT Press. pp. 403--446.
  9.  28
    Tracking the Actions and Possessions of Agents.Susan A. Gelman, Nicholaus S. Noles & Sarah Stilwell - 2014 - Topics in Cognitive Science 6 (4):599-614.
    We propose that there is a powerful human disposition to track the actions and possessions of agents. In two experiments, 3-year-olds and adults viewed sets of objects, learned a new fact about one of the objects in each set , and were queried about either the taught fact or an unrelated dimension immediately after a spatiotemporal transformation, and after a delay. Adults uniformly tracked object identity under all conditions, whereas children tracked identity more when taught ownership versus labeling information, and (...)
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  10.  4
    Preschoolers’ Use of Spatiotemporal History, Appearance, and Proper Name in Determining Individual Identity.Grant Gutheil, Susan A. Gelman, Eileen Klein, Katherine Michos & Kara Kelaita - 2008 - Cognition 107 (1):366-380.
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  11.  7
    Children's Developing Intuitions About the Truth Conditions and Implications of Novel Generics Versus Quantified Statements.Amanda C. Brandone, Susan A. Gelman & Jenna Hedglen - 2015 - Cognitive Science 39 (4):711-738.
    Generic statements express generalizations about categories and present a unique semantic profile that is distinct from quantified statements. This paper reports two studies examining the development of children's intuitions about the semantics of generics and how they differ from statements quantified by all, most, and some. Results reveal that, like adults, preschoolers recognize that generics have flexible truth conditions and are capable of representing a wide range of prevalence levels; and interpret novel generics as having near-universal prevalence implications. Results further (...)
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  12.  9
    Causal Status Effect in Children's Categorization.Woo-Kyoung Ahn, Susan A. Gelman, Jennifer A. Amsterlaw, Jill Hohenstein & Charles W. Kalish - 2000 - Cognition 76 (2):B35-B43.
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  13. The Role of Preschoolers’ Social Understanding in Evaluating the Informativeness of Causal Interventions.Tamar Kushnir, Henry M. Wellman & Susan A. Gelman - 2008 - Cognition 107 (3):1084-1092.
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  14.  4
    Shape and Representational Status in Children's Early Naming.Susan A. Gelman & Karen S. Ebeling - 1998 - Cognition 66 (2):B35-B47.
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  15.  7
    Differences in Preschoolers’ and Adults’ Use of Generics About Novel Animals and Artifacts: A Window Onto a Conceptual Divide.Amanda C. Brandone & Susan A. Gelman - 2009 - Cognition 110 (1):1-22.
    Children and adults commonly produce more generic noun phrases (e.g., birds fly) about animals than artifacts. This may reflect differences in participants’ generic knowledge about specific animals/artifacts (e.g., dogs/chairs), or it may reflect a more general distinction. To test this, the current experiments asked adults and preschoolers to generate properties about novel animals and artifacts (Experiment 1: real animals/artifacts; Experiments 2 and 3: matched pairs of maximally similar, novel animals/artifacts). Data demonstrate that even without prior knowledge about these items, the (...)
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  16.  6
    A Cross-Linguistic Comparison of Generic Noun Phrases in English and Mandarin.Susan A. Gelman & Twila Tardif - 1998 - Cognition 66 (3):215-248.
    Generic noun phrases (e.g. 'bats live in caves') provide a window onto human concepts. They refer to categories as 'kinds rather than as sets of individuals. Although kind concepts are often assumed to be universal, generic expression varies considerably across languages. For example, marking of generics is less obligatory and overt in Mandarin than in English. How do universal conceptual biases interact with language-specific differences in how generics are conveyed? In three studies, we examined adults' generics in English and Mandarin (...)
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  17.  9
    Expressing Generic Concepts with and Without a Language Model.Susan Goldin-Meadow, Susan A. Gelman & Carolyn Mylander - 2005 - Cognition 96 (2):109-126.
  18.  49
    Artifacts and Essentialism.Susan A. Gelman - 2013 - Review of Philosophy and Psychology 4 (3):449-463.
    Psychological essentialism is an intuitive folk belief positing that certain categories have a non-obvious inner “essence” that gives rise to observable features. Although this belief most commonly characterizes natural kind categories, I argue that psychological essentialism can also be extended in important ways to artifact concepts. Specifically, concepts of individual artifacts include the non-obvious feature of object history, which is evident when making judgments regarding authenticity and ownership. Classic examples include famous works of art (e.g., the Mona Lisa is authentic (...)
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  19.  13
    You Get What You Need: An Examination of Purpose‐Based Inheritance Reasoning in Undergraduates, Preschoolers, and Biological Experts.Elizabeth A. Ware & Susan A. Gelman - 2014 - Cognitive Science 38 (2):197-243.
    This set of seven experiments examines reasoning about the inheritance and acquisition of physical properties in preschoolers, undergraduates, and biology experts. Participants (N = 390) received adoption vignettes in which a baby animal was born to one parent but raised by a biologically unrelated parent, and they judged whether the offspring would have the same property as the birth or rearing parent. For each vignette, the animal parents had contrasting values on a physical property dimension (e.g., the birth parent had (...)
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  20.  5
    History and Essence in Human Cognition.Susan A. Gelman, Meredith A. Meyer & Nicholaus S. Noles - 2013 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 36 (2):142 - 143.
    Bullot & Reber (B&R) provide compelling evidence that sensitivity to context, history, and design stance are crucial to theories of art appreciation. We ask how these ideas relate to broader aspects of human cognition. Further open questions concern how psychological essentialism contributes to art appreciation and how essentialism regarding created artifacts (such as art) differs from essentialism in other domains.
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  21.  4
    Sample Diversity and Premise Typicality in Inductive Reasoning: Evidence for Developmental Change.Marjorie Rhodes, Daniel Brickman & Susan A. Gelman - 2008 - Cognition 108 (2):543-556.
  22.  16
    Two Insights About Naming in the Preschool Child.Susan A. Gelman - 2005 - In Peter Carruthers (ed.), The Innate Mind: Structure and Contents. New York: Oxford University Press New York. pp. 198--215.
    This chapter examines associationist models of cognitive development, focusing on the development of naming in young children — the process by which young children learn of construct the meanings of words and concepts. It presents two early-emerging insights that children possess about the nature of naming. These insights are: essentialism: certain words map onto nonobvious, underlying causal features, and genericity: certain expressions map onto generic kinds as opposed to particular instances. The chapter discusses empirical studies with preschool children to support (...)
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  23.  18
    Response to Sloutsky: Taking Development Seriously: Theories Cannot Emerge From Associations Alone.Susan A. Gelman & Sandra R. Waxman - 2009 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 13 (8):332-333.
  24.  33
    A Computational Foundation for Cognitive Development: Comment on Griffths Et Al. And McLelland Et Al.Alison Gopnik, Henry M. Wellman, Susan A. Gelman & Andrew N. Meltzoff - 2010 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 14 (8):342-343.
  25. Number 1 Regular Articles.Josep Call, Olga Kochukhova, Gustaf Gredebäck, Sorel Cahan, Yaniv Mor, Nina Kazanina, Colin Phillips, Ori Friedman, Alan M. Leslie & Susan A. Gelman - 2007 - Cognition 105:726-729.
     
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  26.  17
    Thinking About Possibilities.Susan A. Gelman - 2011 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 15 (8):341-342.
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  27.  4
    So It Is, So It Shall Be: Group Regularities License Children's Prescriptive Judgments.Steven O. Roberts, Susan A. Gelman & Arnold K. Ho - 2017 - Cognitive Science 41 (3).
    When do descriptive regularities become prescriptive norms? We examined children's and adults' use of group regularities to make prescriptive judgments, employing novel groups that engaged in morally neutral behaviors. Participants were introduced to conforming or non-conforming individuals. Children negatively evaluated non-conformity, with negative evaluations declining with age. These effects were replicable across competitive and cooperative intergroup contexts and stemmed from reasoning about group regularities rather than reasoning about individual regularities. These data provide new insights into children's group concepts and have (...)
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  28.  3
    Children's Reasoning About Physics Within and Across Ontological Kinds.Gail D. Heyman, Ann T. Phillips & Susan A. Gelman - 2003 - Cognition 89 (1):43-61.
  29.  3
    Dirty Money: The Role of Moral History in Economic Judgments.Arber Tasimi & Susan A. Gelman - 2017 - Cognitive Science 41 (3).
    Although traditional economic models posit that money is fungible, psychological research abounds with examples that deviate from this assumption. Across eight experiments, we provide evidence that people construe physical currency as carrying traces of its moral history. In Experiments 1 and 2, people report being less likely to want money with negative moral history. Experiments 3–5 provide evidence against an alternative account that people's judgments merely reflect beliefs about the consequences of accepting stolen money rather than moral sensitivity. Experiment 6 (...)
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  30.  18
    Defining Essentialism.Susan A. Gelman - 2004 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 8 (9):404-409.
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  31.  9
    Psychological Models Often Assume That Young Children Learn Words and Concepts Bymeansof Associative Learning Mechanisms, Without the Need to Posit Any Innate Predispositions. For Example, Smith, Jones, and Landau (1996) Propose That Children Learn Concepts by Hearing Specific Linguistic Frames While Viewing Specific Object Properties. The Environment Provides All the Information That Children Need; the Conjunction of Sights and Sounds is Proposed to Be Sufficient to Enable Children. [REVIEW]Susan A. Gelman - 2005 - In Peter Carruthers (ed.), The Innate Mind: Structure and Contents. New York: Oxford University Press New York. pp. 1--198.
  32.  2
    My Heart Made Me Do It: Children's Essentialist Beliefs About Heart Transplants.Meredith Meyer, Susan A. Gelman, Steven O. Roberts & Sarah‐Jane Leslie - 2016 - Cognitive Science:1694-1712.
    Psychological essentialism is a folk theory characterized by the belief that a causal internal essence or force gives rise to the common outward behaviors or attributes of a category's members. In two studies, we investigated whether 4- to 7-year-old children evidenced essentialist reasoning about heart transplants by asking them to predict whether trading hearts with an individual would cause them to take on the donor's attributes. Control conditions asked children to consider the effects of trading money with an individual. Results (...)
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  33.  1
    So It Is, So It Shall Be: Group Regularities License Children's Prescriptive Judgments.Steven O. Roberts, Susan A. Gelman & Arnold K. Ho - 2017 - Cognitive Science 41 (3).
    When do descriptive regularities become prescriptive norms? We examined children's and adults' use of group regularities to make prescriptive judgments, employing novel groups that engaged in morally neutral behaviors. Participants were introduced to conforming or non-conforming individuals. Children negatively evaluated non-conformity, with negative evaluations declining with age. These effects were replicable across competitive and cooperative intergroup contexts and stemmed from reasoning about group regularities rather than reasoning about individual regularities. These data provide new insights into children's group concepts and have (...)
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  34.  1
    Dirty Money: The Role of Moral History in Economic Judgments.Arber Tasimi & Susan A. Gelman - 2017 - Cognitive Science 41 (3).
    Although traditional economic models posit that money is fungible, psychological research abounds with examples that deviate from this assumption. Across eight experiments, we provide evidence that people construe physical currency as carrying traces of its moral history. In Experiments 1 and 2, people report being less likely to want money with negative moral history. Experiments 3–5 provide evidence against an alternative account that people's judgments merely reflect beliefs about the consequences of accepting stolen money rather than moral sensitivity. Experiment 6 (...)
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  35.  4
    Memory Errors Reveal a Bias to Spontaneously Generalize to Categories.Shelbie L. Sutherland, Andrei Cimpian, Sarah‐Jane Leslie & Susan A. Gelman - 2015 - Cognitive Science 39 (5):1021-1046.
    Much evidence suggests that, from a young age, humans are able to generalize information learned about a subset of a category to the category itself. Here, we propose that—beyond simply being able to perform such generalizations—people are biased to generalize to categories, such that they routinely make spontaneous, implicit category generalizations from information that licenses such generalizations. To demonstrate the existence of this bias, we asked participants to perform a task in which category generalizations would distract from the main goal (...)
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  36. My Heart Made Me Do It: Children's Essentialist Beliefs About Heart Transplants.Meredith Meyer, Susan A. Gelman, Steven O. Roberts & Sarah‐Jane Leslie - 2016 - Cognitive Science:1694-1712.
    Psychological essentialism is a folk theory characterized by the belief that a causal internal essence or force gives rise to the common outward behaviors or attributes of a category's members. In two studies, we investigated whether 4- to 7-year-old children evidenced essentialist reasoning about heart transplants by asking them to predict whether trading hearts with an individual would cause them to take on the donor's attributes. Control conditions asked children to consider the effects of trading money with an individual. Results (...)
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  37. Differences in the Evaluation of Generic Statements About Human and Non‐Human Categories.Arber Tasimi, Susan A. Gelman, Andrei Cimpian & Joshua Knobe - 2016 - Cognitive Science:1934-1957.
    Generic statements express generalizations about categories. Current theories suggest that people should be especially inclined to accept generics that involve threatening information. However, previous tests of this claim have focused on generics about non-human categories, which raises the question of whether this effect applies as readily to human categories. In Experiment 1, adults were more likely to accept generics involving a threatening property for artifacts, but this negativity bias did not also apply to human categories. Experiment 2 examined an alternative (...)
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  38. The Importance of Clarifying Evolutionary Terminology Across Disciplines and in the Classroom: A Reply to Kampourakis.Elizabeth A. Ware & Susan A. Gelman - 2015 - Cognitive Science 39 (4):838-841.
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