This book seeks to address the relation of political philosophy and Donald Trump as a political phenomenon through the notions of patriotism, cosmopolitanism, and civic virtue. Political philosophers have been prescient in explaining trends that may explain our political misgivings. Madison warned during the debates on the Constitution that democracies are vulnerable to factions based on passion for personalities and beliefs; various continental thinkers have addressed the problem of nihilism—the modern loss of faith in objective standards of truth and morality—that (...) in Max Weber’s analysis pointed to the importance of charisma, in Carl Schmitt’s to the idea that politics is essentially rooted in the definition of friends and enemies, and in early Heidegger resulted in the emphasis on the enduring significance of local, rather than cosmopolitan values. The former concerns—regarding demagoguery, charisma and nihilism—will enable an evaluation of Trump as a political character, while the latter concerns—regarding the status of universal versus local values—will enable us to evaluate the content of “Trumpism.” Taken together, these essays seek to advance the public conversation about the relationship between the rise of Trump and the ideological forces that seek to justify that rise. (shrink)

We provide a new link between deductive and probabilistic reasoning fallacies. Illusory inferences from disjunction are a broad class of deductive fallacies traditionally explained by recourse to a matching procedure that looks for content overlap between premises. In two behavioral experiments, we show that this phenomenon is instead sensitive to real-world causal dependencies and not to exact content overlap. A group of participants rated the strength of the causal dependence between pairs of sentences. This measure is a near perfect predictor (...) of fallacious reasoning by an independent group of participants in illusory inference tasks with the same materials. In light of these results, we argue that all extant accounts of these deductive fallacies require non-trivial adjustments. Crucially, these novel _indirect_ illusory inferences from disjunction bear a structural similarity to seemingly unrelated _probabilistic reasoning_ problems, in particular the conjunction fallacy from the heuristics and biases literature. This structural connection was entirely obscure in previous work on these deductive problems, due to the theoretical and empirical focus on content overlap. We argue that this structural parallelism provides arguments against the need for rich descriptions and individuating information in the conjunction fallacy, and we outline a unified theory of deductive illusory inferences from disjunction and the conjunction fallacy, in terms of Bayesian confirmation theory. (shrink)

Στο σύντομο αυτό άρθρο δημοσιεύεται μια συναρμογή ενεπίγραφων λίθων που είχε πραγματοποιηθεί στο παρελθόν από τον J. Tréheux. Το κείμενο επιτρέπει να επανεξεταστεί η χρονολόγηση των τελευταίων επιγραφών οικονομικού χαρακτήρα της περιόδου της Ανεξαρτησίας και να προταθεί μια ταξινόμηση τους. Το άρθρο περιλαμβάνει παράρτημα με πολλές διορθώσεις στους απολογισμούς των ιεροποιών.

Les comptes du sanctuaire d’Apollon délien permettent d’éclairer le traitement des différentes espèces monétaires en circulation dans cette partie de l’Égée au cours de la période hellénistique. Les conversions monétaires qui apparaissent dans la comptabilité sont établies sur la base de la valeur pondérale des étalons et mettent en doute l’idée d’un cours forcé qui aurait été imposé à la monnaie locale. Elles témoignent au contraire de possibles réévaluations des parités en fonction des évolutions monétaires égéennes, comme le montre également (...) la comptabilité du sanctuaire de Delphes. Il ne faut donc pas chercher de taux de change au sens commercial dans ces comptes. Le rôle des banquiers est décisif dans ces opérations et conduit à réinterpréter l’action de Timôn dans le change monétaire sans kollybos, mentionné dans IG XII 5, 817. (shrink)

Hume's Politics provides a comprehensive examination of David Hume's political theory, and is the first book to focus on Hume's monumental History of England as the key to his distinctly political ideas.

De l'inscription de Septemvri dite « inscription de Pistiros », il ressort que Pistiros est une polis qui fut autrefois sujette du roi Kotys (I) et qui, au moment de la gravure de l'inscription, est sujette d'un des trois successeurs de Kotys. Elle doit être localisée à l'endroit où Hérodote (VII 109, 2) situe une ville de ce nom : sur la côte égéenne de la Thrace, non loin du débouché du Nestos. Les deux emporia dont il est question sont (...) des places de commerce situées à l'intérieur du pays thrace, contrôlées et financièrement exploitées par le roi. La cité de Pistiros joue un rôle d'intermédiaire entre le roi, d'un côté, et de l'autre côté, les emporia de l'intérieur, la cité de Maronée et les marchands de Thasos et d'Apollonia résidant à Pistiros. À la lumière d'autres informations sur le royaume des Odryses, il semble bien que non seulement Kotys, mais aussi un de ses trois successeurs, Amatokos (II), exerçait son pouvoir à la fois sur la vallée de la Haute Marica et sur la côte égéenne. Ainsi, c'est ce dernier qui est l'auteur de la première partie de l'inscription, qui jette alors quelque lumière sur l'étendue de son pouvoir. Le réseau de communications, dont l'inscription suppose l'existence, se situe bien dans la réalité géographique de la région. On notera en particulier les liens qui unissaient la vallée de la Haute Marica au monde égéen à travers les Rhodopes. (shrink)

How should politicians act? When should they try to lead public opinion and when should they follow it? Should politicians see themselves as experts, whose opinions have greater authority than other people's, or as participants in a common dialogue with ordinary citizens? When do virtues like toleration and willingness to compromise deteriorate into moral weakness? In this innovative work, Andrew Sabl answers these questions by exploring what a democratic polity needs from its leaders. He concludes that there are systematic, principled (...) reasons for the holders of divergent political offices or roles to act differently. Sabl argues that the morally committed civil rights activist, the elected representative pursuing legislative results, and the grassroots organizer determined to empower ordinary citizens all have crucial democratic functions. But they are different functions, calling for different practices and different qualities of political character. To make this case, he draws on political theory, moral philosophy, leadership studies, and biographical examples ranging from Everett Dirksen to Ella Baker, Frances Willard to Stokely Carmichael, Martin Luther King Jr. to Joe McCarthy. Ruling Passions asks democratic theorists to pay more attention to the "governing pluralism" that characterizes a diverse, complex democracy. It challenges moral philosophy to adapt its prescriptions to the real requirements of democratic life, to pay more attention to the virtues of political compromise and the varieties of human character. And it calls on all democratic citizens to appreciate "democratic constancy": the limited yet serious standard of ethical character to which imperfect democratic citizens may rightly hold their leaders--and themselves. (shrink)

David Hume’s position on religion is, broadly speaking, “politic”: instrumental and consequentialist. Religions should be tolerated or not according to their effects on political peace and order. Such theories of toleration are often rejected as immoral or unstable. The reading provided here responds by reading Hume’s position as one of radically indirect consequentialism. While religious policy should serve consequentialist ends, making direct reference to those ends merely gives free reign to religious-political bigotry and faction. Toleration, like Hume’s other “artificial virtues” (...) (justice, fidelity to promises, allegiance to government), is a universally useful response to our universal partiality—as established uniformity, however tempting, is not. This implies that toleration can progress through political learning, becoming broader and more constitutionally established over time. A sophisticated Humean approach thus shares the stability and normative attractiveness of respect- or rights-based arguments while responding more acutely and flexibly to problems the former often slights: antinomian religious extremism; underdefined political agency; and internationalized, politicized religious movements. (shrink)

Liberal or democratic virtue theories have successfully spread the idea that liberal democracies cannot flourish unless their citizens have certain qualities of mind and character. Such theories cannot agree, however, on what those qualities are. This article attempts to explain and solve this problem. It proposes distinguishing between core virtues, necessary for the actual survival of liberal democracies, and ideal virtues, which promote "progress" according to a given conception of what liberal democracies ought to be about and which values they (...) should most embody. Beyond this, it portrays the relevant virtues as pluralistic (not everyone need have the same ones) and episodic (different virtues are relevant at different times and under different circumstances). It then applies this framework to some key issues of political action and motivation: acts of loyalty and dissent express different aspects of a common response to moral pluralism, and the virtues of citizens differ fundamentally in origin and nature from those of professional politicians. Finally, it suggests more briefly that questions of civil religion, patriotic mobilization in times of war, civic courage, and selfish versus altruistic motives for public action can profit from being seen in this new way. (shrink)

В книге изложены понятия, структуры, функции, основные типы юридического сознания, культуры и антикультуры в обществе. Особое внимание уделено психологическому механизму деятельности, мерам юридической ответственности и правовой защиты людей, их коллективов и организаций. Для юристов (ученых и практиков, аспирантов и адъюнктов), студентов магистратуры и бакалавриата юридических вузов и факультетов. Монография выполнена при финансовой поддержке РФФИ в рамках научного проекта № 18-011-01095.

A comprehensive introduction to contemporary political ethics What is the relationship between politics and morality? May politicians bend moral constraints in the name of political necessity? Is it always wrong for leaders to lie? How much political compromise is too much? In Political Ethics, some of the world’s leading thinkers in politics, philosophy, and related fields offer a comprehensive and accessible introduction to key issues in this rapidly growing area of political theory. In a series of original essays, the contributors (...) examine a range of urgent political problems: lies and deception, compromise and refusal to compromise, the meaning and limits of political integrity, representation and failures of representation, good and bad democratic leadership, the virtues and excesses of partisanship, administrative ethics, political corruption, whistleblowing, legitimate and illegitimate claims of political emergency, and lobbying. What emerges are realistic but demanding ethical standards—and a clear-eyed understanding of the ethical challenges of political life in the twenty-first century. With contributions by Richard Bellamy, Alin Fumurescu, Edward Hall, Suzanne Dovi and Jesse McCain, Eric Beerbohm, Russell Muirhead and Nancy Rosenblum, Joseph Heath, Elizabeth David-Barrett and Mark Philp, Michele Bocchiola and Emanuela Ceva, Nomi Lazar, Phil Parvin, and Andrew Sabl. (shrink)

This meticulous work, the product of years of scholarship and effort, contains a great deal to admire. It rightly rejects the frame, still common in philosophy departments, of Hume as someone who, after writing the Treatise, "abandoned philosophy" for the sake of lesser inquiries like politics and history. It convincingly portrays Hume's vast classical learning as devoted, in the end, to modern conversations and modern purposes, not to the pursuit of ancient wisdom as directly therapeutic for individuals. It deftly places (...) Hume's work not in a narrow Scottish or English context, but in the larger conversation of European letters... (shrink)

Russell Hardin’s theory of constitutions as conventions implies several conclusions that are striking, deep, important, counterintuitive, and very hard to deny. Nevertheless, they have had little influence on the field of political theory. This chapter seeks to explain that through two theses. The theory embarrasses the prevailing schools of political thought not just by denying their doctrines but by suggesting the irrelevance of many of their favorite questions. The theory seems, as Hardin presents it, more pessimistic and quietist than it (...) needs to be. This chapter suggests that the theory contains within it under-stressed resources that make room for constant institutional progress and political reform. (shrink)

The love of fame is a common theme in republican thought. But few, historically or now, have examined with rigor this sentiment's nature, purpose, and worth. The work of David Hume is an exception. Hume, this paper argues, dialectically took up not only all the classic reasons for loving fame--as spur to useful effort, motivator of virtue, consolation to virtue unrewarded, and safe harbor in the midst of historical flux--but the skeptical reasons for doubting that fame is attainable or that, (...) even if it is attainable, its pursuit motivates good actions. The theme pervades not only his systematic moral works but his essays and letters, his autobiography, and "History of England." Hume's subtle, ambivalent arguments suggest reasons to value the love of fame in spite of modern, or postmodern, doubts regarding the nature of true fame or even its existence--and perhaps to regard such love as unavoidable. (shrink)