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Vickie B. Sullivan [6]Vickie Sullivan [3]
  1. Machiavelli's Three Romes: Religion, Human Liberty, and Politics Reformed.Vickie B. Sullivan - 1996 - Northern Illinois University Press.
  2.  36
    Machiavelli's Momentary “Machiavellian Moment”.Vickie B. Sullivan - 1992 - Political Theory 20 (2):309-318.
  3.  8
    Spectacles and Sociability: Rousseau's Response in His Letter to d'Alembert to Montesquieu's Treatment of the Theatre and of French and English Society.Vickie Sullivan & Katherine Balch - 2015 - History of European Ideas 41 (3):357-374.
    SummaryScholars have pointed to Montesquieu's influence on Rousseau's work generally. Other scholars, who focus more intently on the Letter to d'Alembert, discern a crucial but limited influence of Montesquieu in two of Rousseau's teachings there: first, that some practices, including the theatre, can be appropriate and even wholesome for some societies, while noxious for others; and second, that mores are important in determining what types of laws and institutions a given people can tolerate and maintain. Careful consideration of Rousseau's Letter (...)
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  4.  23
    Against the Despotism of a Republic: Montesquieu's Correction of Machiavelli in the Name of the Security of the Individual.Vickie Sullivan - 2006 - History of Political Thought 27 (2):263-289.
    Montesquieu calls Machiavelli a 'great man' in his Spirit of the Laws, and commentators have demonstrated his knowledge of and indebtedness to the Florentine. Careful consideration of his treatment of Machiavelli in this work, however, suggests that Montesquieu has grave misgivings regarding Machiavelli's form of republicanism. Indeed, far from regarding Machiavelli's republicanism as an embodiment of liberty, the Frenchman suggests that it is actually despotic because it too readily sacrifices the security of the individual in the name of the state's (...)
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  5.  22
    Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the Formation of a Liberal Republicanism in England.Vickie B. Sullivan - 2004 - Cambridge University Press.
    Certain English writers of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, whom scholars often associate with classical republicanism, were not, in fact, hostile to liberalism. Indeed, these thinkers contributed to a synthesis of liberalism and modern republicanism. As this book argues, Marchamont Nedham, James Harrington, Henry Neville, Algernon Sidney, and John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, the co-authors of a series of editorials entitled Cato's Letters, provide a synthesis that responds to the demands of both republicans and liberals by offering a politically (...)
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  6. Muted and Manifest English Machiavellism : The Reconciliation of Machiavellian Republicanism with Liberalism in Sidney's Discourses Concerning Government and Trenchard's and Gordon's Cato's Letters.Vickie B. Sullivan - 2006 - In Paul Anthony Rahe (ed.), Machiavelli's Liberal Republican Legacy. Cambridge University Press.
  7.  4
    The Civic Humanist Portrait of Machiavelli's English Successors.Vickie Sullivan - 1994 - History of Political Thought 15 (1):73-96.
    Because a thorough investigation of Machiavelli's thought and the thought of those who explicitly drew on it can be achieved only through the kind of Herculean labours displayed by Pocock in his Machiavellian Moment, I propose here to examine only two works by admirers of Machiavelli: Harrington's Oceana, which imports the Italian Renaissance to England's shores, and John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon's Cato's Letters, which prepares its departure for America. I argue that a re-examination of these critical links in the (...)
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  8.  4
    Walter Moyle's Machiavellianism, Declared and Otherwise, in An Essay Upon the Constitution of the Roman Government.Vickie B. Sullivan - 2011 - History of European Ideas 37 (2):120-127.
    Walter Moyle's work, An Essay upon the Constitution of the Roman Government, is much more Machiavellian than it initially announces itself to be. Informed by James Harrington's and Niccolò Machiavelli's earlier commentaries on Rome, Moyle readily embraces that on which both of his predecessors agree—the desirability of a republic that seeks armed increase. Harrington, though, explicitly disagrees with Machiavelli's embrace of a tumultuous republic that seeks a return to its beginning through fostering fear. In contrast to Machiavelli, Harrington looks to (...)
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