33 found
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  1.  24
    Populism and the Crisis of Liberalism.Volker Kaul - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):346-352.
    The article addresses the following question: if an extensive period of globalization and also democratization after the fall of the Berlin Wall has been followed by populism, does this mean that there is something wrong with liberalism itself? Must liberalism be substituted by alternative economic and political concepts? The article presents three alternatives to liberalism that are supposed to counter populism: a new communitarianism, a renewal of the democratic project as much as novel conceptions of social justice. However, it takes (...)
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  2.  4
    Populismus, Liberalismus und Nationalismus.Volker Kaul - 2019 - Zeitschrift Für Praktische Philosophie 6 (2):241-260.
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  3.  14
    Two Cheers for the Impunity Norm.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):487-499.
    International criminal law is dedicated to the battle against impunity. However, the concept of impunity lacks clarity. Providing that clarity also reveals challenges for the current state and future prospects of the project of ICL, which this article frames in cosmopolitan terms. The ‘impunity norm’ of ICL is generally presented in a deontic form. It holds that impunity for perpetrators of international crimes is a wrong so profound that states and international bodies have a pro tanto duty to prosecute and (...)
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  4.  11
    The Right to Politics and Republican Non-Domination.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):465-475.
    Against pronouncements of the recent demise of both democracy and the political, I maintain that there is, rather, something amiss with the process of politicization in which social grievances are translated into matters of political concern and become objects of policy-making. I therefore propose to seek an antidote to the de-politicizing tendencies of our age by reanimating the mechanism that transmits social conflicts and grievances into politics. To that purpose, I formulate the notion of a ‘fundamental right to politics’ as (...)
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  5.  3
    The Kurdish Struggle and the Crisis of the Turkishness Contract.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):397-405.
    In this article, inspired by Whiteness Studies, I propose two concepts that allow us to see the question of ethnicity as well as the history of the Turkish Republic through the lens of privilege: Turkishness and the Turkishness Contract. By Turkishness, I mean a patterned but mostly unrecognized relationship between Turkish individuals’ ethnic position and their ways of seeing, hearing, feeling and knowing – as well as not seeing, not hearing, not feeling and not knowing. These ways and states of (...)
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  6. Introduction.Volker Kaul - 2010 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (3-4):265-280.
  7.  18
    ‘Can Muslims Be Suicide Bombers?’ An Essay on the Troubles of Multiculturalism.Volker Kaul - 2012 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 38 (4-5):389-398.
    Is a Muslim still a Muslim when he crashes airplanes into the twin towers? Any serious theory of multiculturalism has to deny that Islam could ever come to justify suicide bombing and terrorism. My thesis is that none of the contemporary multicultural theories manages to do so, or at least not without collapsing into a Kantian conception of personal autonomy and, consequently, into some standard version of liberalism. Communitarianism, trying to demonstrate that fundamentalism has nothing to do with the true (...)
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  8. Freedom and Identity.Volker Kaul - 2013 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 39 (4-5):487-498.
    As show the partly violent clashes between liberal secularists and Islamists in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, the two factions certainly defend two diametrically opposite political points of view. For liberals, politics finds its ultimate justification in the protection of individual freedom. For Islamists, only the application of the moral code and religious law codified in the shariah can justify politics. Contrary to what is sustained by a theory of situated agency, there is no easy and definite reconciliation between (...)
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  9.  61
    Multiculturalism and the Challenge of Pluralism.Volker Kaul - 2011 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 37 (4):505-516.
    Today we can identify two challenges of pluralism: the ever-growing conflicts between religious, national and ethnic groups on the one hand and the oppression of dissenting individuals by their respective communities on the other hand. Both intercommunitarian and intracommunitarian conflicts find their origin in a communitarian conception of our political, cultural, or religious identities. After presenting some of the problems of the communitarian solution in particular with regard to the challenge of internal pluralism, I introduce alternative conceptions of multiculturalism that (...)
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  10.  7
    Religion, Rights and the Public Sphere.Volker Kaul - 2017 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 43 (4-5):376-382.
    The article introduces to the issue of religion, rights and the public sphere. It analyzes 4 challenges that the conception of the public sphere currently faces: Does there exists a trade-off between the public sphere and a legal regime of civil rights? Does the public sphere really require us to keep the good and religious questions outside of it? To what extent is the public sphere neutral and not rather itself the outcome of a particular and contingent conception of the (...)
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  11.  27
    Republicanism Under Scrutiny.Volker Kaul - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):342-350.
    This introduction discusses articles on the theory and politics of republicanism that were presented at the Istanbul Seminars 2015. It asks the following questions: Could it be that republicanism is at least in part the cause of the current cultural clashes and religious violence in both the Arab world and Europe?. Is it just an accident that republics in many parts of the post-colonial world turned authoritarian? Or does republicanism as such risk resulting in illiberal outcomes? In this regard, it (...)
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  12.  3
    Sources of Democracy: Rights, Trust and Solidarity.Volker Kaul - 2020 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 46 (5):472-486.
    Three recently published reports show to what extent democracy is losing ground in a global context increasingly characterized by authoritarianism and populism. The argument this articles proposes is that the deplorable state of democracies around the world is due to the neglect of substantial characteristics and sources of democracy, which are above all trust and solidarity. Democracy has three different, but interrelated sources that are built upon each other according to a lexical order. A democracy is first based upon political (...)
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  13.  17
    Sources of Toleration: Individuals, Cultures, Institutions.Volker Kaul - 2019 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (4):360-369.
    Nowadays the question of toleration is less related to an international clash of civilizations than to the clashes that take place within the states and polities themselves. The article addresses the sources of toleration in this new global scenario, starting from the following set of questions: Do the sources of toleration differ across time and space? Does toleration have different roots in different civilizational contexts, such as China, India or Islam? Or, is toleration the result of particular institutional frameworks and (...)
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  14.  5
    What Makes a Fundamentalist? Metaphysics, Morality and Psychology.Volker Kaul - 2015 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 41 (4-5):509-514.
    The article analyses the motivations of fundamentalists. Typically, fundamentalism is considered to have its origin in determinate cultural or religious systems of beliefs and norms. In this regard, it is possible to distinguish between metaphysical accounts and moral accounts of fundamentalism. The first state that fundamentalism makes claims concerning the reality of cultures and religions. The second hold fundamentalism to be of practical, not of theoretical, nature. This article argues, on the contrary, that fundamentalism does not have its source in (...)
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  15.  10
    Annotations.David Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):345-345.
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  16.  8
    Annotations.David Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2019 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (4):359-359.
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  17.  1
    Annotations.David Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2020 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 46 (5):471-471.
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  18. Annotations.David Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2012 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 38 (4-5):341-341.
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  19.  7
    Annotations.David Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2015 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 41 (4-5):337-337.
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  20.  8
    Annotations.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):341-341.
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  21.  27
    Between Transparency and Surveillance: Politics of the Secret.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):456-464.
    The recent wave of whistleblowers and cyber-dissidents, from Julian Assange to Edward Snowden, has declared war against surveillance. In this context, transparency is presented as an attainable political goal that can be delivered in flesh and bones by spectacular and quasi-messianic moments of disclosure. The thesis of this article is that, despite its progressive promise, the project of releasing classified documents is in line with the Orwellian cold war trope of Big Brother rather than with the complex geography of surveillance (...)
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  22.  10
    Cultural Pluralism?David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):448-455.
    This article is an analysis of the ideological production of the idea of cultural pluralism. It points at the impossibility of inhabiting two or more civil societies at once. It points at the fact that culture alive cannot be accessed. It recommends attention to the ungeneralizable huge subaltern populations of the world that often also constitute an electorate. It recommends linguistic rather than cultural pluralism and a nurturing of the understanding of the right to intellectual labor in education practice.
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  23.  22
    Digital Spaces, Public Places and Communicative Power: In Defense of Deliberative Democracy.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):476-486.
    The deliberative model of politics has recently been criticized for not being very well equipped to conceptualize current developments such as the misinterpretation of political difference, the digital turn, and public protests. A first critique is that this model assumes a conception of public spheres that is too idealistic. A second objection is that it misconceives the relationship between empirical reality and normativity. Third, it is assumed that deliberative democracy offers an antiquated notion of a shared ‘we’ of political actors (...)
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  24.  5
    Erratum.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2017 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 43 (4-5):548-548.
    Vernon, Jim, ‘A passion for justice’: Martin Luther King, Jr. and G. W. F. Hegel on ‘world-historical individuals’, Philosophy & Social Criticism, 43 February 2017 pp. 187–207, DOI 10.1177/0191453716680126 SAGE regrets that an error in the title of this article was included in the original publication. Subsequent online versions of this article will be corrected.
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  25.  14
    From System Integration to Social Integration: Kurdish Challenge to Turkish Republicanism.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):406-418.
    The modern republican history of Turkey and its relation with the question of ethnic diversity could be understood via the tension between the processes of system integration and social integration. This article, based on Jürgen Habermas’ conceptual framework, draws the sources of such tension with reference to the Kurdish identity in Turkey since the early republican era. For this purpose, from the 1920s to the 2000s, policies and discourses of system integration aiming at a certain degree of ethnic homogenization to (...)
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  26.  14
    ‘République and Laïcité’: What is at Stake in Contemporary France?David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):440-447.
    How should one define the republican democratic and ‘laïque’ spirit in both the most concise and effective manner, as well as that most suited to the French case? The republican spirit resides without doubt in refusing submission to any single individual whoever that individual may be. The democratic spirit does not consist of decreeing the sovereignty of the people, but in developing formal modalities of political life allowing the people not to be divested of it. The ‘laïque’ spirit rejects all (...)
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  27.  13
    Republican Conception of Liberty in Early Republican Turkey and its Contemporary Implications.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):429-439.
    Established in 1923, Turkey has been a republic without a dominant republican conception of liberty. A chance to install such a conception was missed in the early republican period and never recaptured. The republic was unable to get rid of vestiges of the authoritarian tradition of the past. Centuries-old authoritarian tradition persisted well into the recent and the contemporary periods. Presenting ample evidence, the article underlines the weight of history and the legacy of authoritarian mentality that promoted the use of (...)
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  28.  10
    States and Communities Competing for Global Power.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):386-396.
    The question of immigration and its corollary community and minority formation has always been analysed in relation to states. However, the increasing importance of solidarity beyond national borders on the grounds of one or several identities – national, religious, ethnic, regional – removes the claim of recognition of a collective identity from a national level to an international level and, in the European Union, to a supranational level. Such an evolution places territory at the core of the analysis of citizenship (...)
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  29.  3
    The Crisis of the Republican Model and its Religious Outcomes: A Case Study of the Great Middle East.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):375-385.
    There is a necessity to build a new republican regime in the Great Middle East, based on a broad sense of citizenship, on a respect for pluralism, and on re-evaluating difference as a positive element rather than as a threat. However, this re-building will succeed only when it is accompanied by a restoration of the religious space. The reformist national model is the best and most appropriate model for real situations within the current historical period. It is a model that (...)
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  30.  8
    The Crisis of Arab States, Ethics and Citizenship.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):357-362.
    The present article constitutes an attempt to analyse the historical causes of the present crisis affecting the Arab world and the failure to build modern states in this region. It has to be noticed that from the three main ethnic groups constituting the pillars of the Middle East, i.e. the Persians, the Arabs and the Turks, the Arab failure and the generalization of violence in Arab societies and between Arab states is to be adequately analysed in order to be able (...)
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  31.  10
    The Long Crisis of the Nation-State and the Rise of Religions to the Public Stage.David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):351-356.
    The aim of this article is to identify the main factors of the current crisis of the nation-state and to demonstrate how many of the voids left by this crisis are filled by religions. The main characteristic of the nation-state is the principle of sovereignty. The apogee of the nation-state is the political form of industrialization. National identity is possible only when the state proves to its citizens that the fact of being a member of it carries benefits and privileges (...)
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  32.  32
    The Republican Ideal of Freedom as Non-Domination and the Rojava Experiment: ‘States as They Are’ or a New Socio-Political Imagination?David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):419-428.
    This article problematizes the republican reliance on contemporary ‘states as they are’ as protectors and guarantors of the republican notion of freedom as non-domination. While the principle of freedom as non-domination constitutes an advance over the liberal principle of freedom as non-interference, its reliance on the national, territorial, legal-technical and extra-economic contemporary state prevents the theoretical uncovering of its full potential. The article argues that to make the most of the principle of freedom as non-domination, a strong Athenian element is (...)
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  33.  11
    Violent Islamism Beyond Borders: Can Human Rights Prevail?David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):363-374.
    The argument that sectarian conflicts in the Arab Middle East have been persistent since time immemorial is erroneous. While these views may seem compelling with the rise of ISIL, they are in fact very dangerous: they downgrade Islamic societies to primordial, selective and static features. I will argue for a different set of propositions. First, violence is not unique to Islamic societies. Extreme illiberal ideologies prevailed in Christian Europe both during the Thirty Years War and during the fascist interwar period. (...)
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