In der 1970 gegründeten Reihe erscheinen Arbeiten, die philosophiehistorische Studien mit einem systematischen Ansatz oder systematische Studien mit philosophiehistorischen Rekonstruktionen verbinden. Neben deutschsprachigen werden auch englischsprachige Monographien veröffentlicht. Gründungsherausgeber sind: Erhard Scheibe (Herausgeber bis 1991), Günther Patzig (bis 1999) und Wolfgang Wieland (bis 2003). Von 1990 bis 2007 wurde die Reihe von Jürgen Mittelstraß mitherausgegeben.

The main interest of the doctrine of duties in the 18th century aims at the systematic differentiation of two classes of duties known as perfect and imperfect duties, as negative and positive duties, as duties of abstinence and duties of performance, as duties of debtiness and duties of conscience and benevolence. This paper follows the history of this differentiation and classification of the duties from Grotius, Pufendorf, Leibnitz, Thomasius, Mendelssohn and the early Kantians to Kant, especially to the Kant of (...) the "Doctrine of Virtue" , which takes up the distintive marks and distinguishing features of Kant's predecessors and integrates them into a consistent system of duties. Its fundamental distinction between two spheres of norms and classes of duties having their foundation in the difference of a negative determinate principle of actions and an affirmative indeterminate principle of ends is significant for the present ethical discussions as well. (shrink)

O presente trabalho mostra que o liberalismo Kkantiano encerra em si uma filosofiaembrionária do Estado de bem-estar social. Segundo o autor, essa concepção kantiana do Estado de bem-estar social supera tanto o igualitarismo quanto o libertismo contemporâneos.

Within the Kantian ethics consciousness of the moral principle is a fact of reason which cannot be grounded in any antecedent data, empirical or rational. Hegel however argues that the fact of reason is necessarily embedded in the fact of „Sittlichkeit“, that a pure reason is an empty and chimerical construction, that moral knowledge is unavoidably rootet in the contingent moral convictions of the given cultural and social environment. This essay defends Hegel’s critique of Kant’s moral philosophy and – by (...) generalizing Hegel’s hermeneutic approach – sketches the outlines of an explicatory concept of ethics which contradicts the scientistic understanding of moral philosophy characteristic for Kant, the utilitarianism and the supporters of discourse ethics likewise. (shrink)

O autor introduz o trabalho com o antagonismo entre o político e o filósofo presente na obra de Platão e caracteriza como típico do legado aristotélico a separação entre objetos práticos e teóricos nos estudos filosóficos. Os conceitos-chave da Ética a Nicômaco são expostos em sua gênese e na configuração que assumiram ao longo da história do pensamento ocidental. O texto encerra com o resgate da ação no legado político de Platão.

In distinguishing and describing three types of theories of power, i. e. the concept of subjectivity-based power, the concept of system-based or structuralist power and the concept of intersubjectivity-based power, this paper analyses and discusses in detail the communitarian concept of power invented and developed by Hannah Arendt and criticizes her thesis of politics and community being independent of any considerations concerning normative truth.

Em 1989, a era do realismo político chegou ao fim. &s condições foram modificadas de forma a substituir O modelo hobbesiano de paz pela intimidação que prevalecia até então, por um modelo consideravelmente mais desafiador, o modelo kantiano da paz pelo direito. Se, todavia, o paradigma de Huntington dadas civilizações em conflito estivesse correto, teríamos de esquecer Kant e lembrarmo-nos de Hobbes. A racionalidade pé-no-chão, a desconfiança sadia, a luta pela acumulação do poder e todos os demais instrumentos da caixa (...) realista de ferramentas da prudência política são muito adequados para facilitar a autoafirmação política numa época de culturas violentamente conflitantes. No entanto, um tal desamparo não é bem fundamentado. Considerando-se que, desde seu início, o liberalismo é uma teoria do pluralismo religioso e ético, e que é bem -testada no trato de problemas do multiculturalismo, é ao menos possível argumentar-se em favor de um universalismo liberal fraco que forneça fundamentos normativos para uma ordem global baseada na convivência pacífica. Naturalmente, modéstia conceitual e moral é crucial. Se a doutrina dos direitos humanos deseja defender sua alegação universal em face da diversidade cultural. ela terá de se restringir às condições pré-culturais e meramente naturais do ser humano e da coexistência humana. Essas limitações dão fundamento a sua força normativa. Nem políticas nacionais, nem concepções culturais do que seja a vida próspera e a importância existencial podem ser aceitas se contradizem os imperativos e as condições fundamentais do funcionamento puramente biológico do ser humano. (shrink)

Hobbes was the first modern philosopher to use the same method and the same conception of knowledge in both the theoretical and the practical philosophy. His methodologically unified conception of scientific philosophy is based on the analytical method of the Paduan School. The paper begins with a reconstruction of Hobbes' methodology and the implicite generative and constructive conception of knowledge. The second part analysizes the consequences of the geometric method for the Hobbesian epistemology and his philosophy of nature. It turns (...) out that in theoretical contexts the geometric method functions quasitranscendentally. The final part then shows that Hobbes* methodological self-interpretation can also serve as a reliable guide through its practical philosophy and that it is very useful when dealing with the notorious problems of interpretation regarding the Leviathan taking into account the methodology of the philosopher. (shrink)

In 1989, the age of power political realism ended. The conditions were set to replace the prevailing Hobbesian model of peace by deterrence with the considerably more challenging Kantian model of peace by right. If, however, Huntington's paradigm of fighting civilizations were right, we would have to forget Kant and remember Hobbes. Sober rationality, healthy distrust, striving for power accumulation and all the other instruments from the realist's toolbox of political prudence are very well suited to facilitate political self-assertion in (...) an age of violently clashing cultures. However, this helplessness is not well grounded. Considering that from the very beginning liberalism is a theory of religious and ethical pluralism and well-experienced in dealing with problems of multiculturalism, it is at least possible to argue for a weak liberal universalism which provides normative foundations for a global order of peacefully living together. Of course, conceptual and moral modesty is crucial. If the human rights doctrine wants to defend its universal claim in the face of cultural diversity , it has to restrict itself to the conditions of esse: the pre-cultural and sheer natural conditions of human being and human coexistence. However, the formulation of the conditions of bene esse has to be left to culture and its authorities and belief systems which buttress a cultural constitution of meaning, both theologically and metaphysically. Traditional natural rights theory knew that both have to go together, and that the esse-enabling duties necessarily enjoy priority. No cultural conception of thriving life and existential significance can be accepted which contradicts the fundamental imperatives and conditions of pure human existence and coexistence. (shrink)

Wieviel normative Gemeinsamkeit benötigt die Demokratie? Wie groß ist der Konsensbedarf der gesellschaftlichen Diskurse in pluralistischen Gesellschaften? Wie ist die Neutralitätsverpflichtung des Liberalismus zu verstehen? Gibt es Grenzen der Toleranz? Welche Rolle kommt den starken metaphysischen und moralischen Überzeugungen der Bürger in einer Demokratie zu? Müssen sie eingeklammert werden? Muß der Bürger verstummen, wenn es um wichtige weltanschauliche Dinge geht, um den Konsens nicht zu gefährden? Im Rahmen einer kritischen AuseinanderSetzung mit Rawls' Konzeption des politischen Liberalismus werden diese Probleme der (...) Integration pluralistischer Gesellschaften diskutiert. Der dabei entwickelte Lösungsweg vermeidet sowohl die diskurSethische Überforderung der Konsensfähigkeit pluralistischer Gesellschaften als auch die Rawlssche Vorstellung einer gerechtigkeitSethischen Verfassung des öffentlichen Vernunftgebrauchs und plädiert zugleich für eine Entdramatisierung des Pluralismus und für einen selbstbehauptungswilligen Liberalismus, der sich von seiner neutralistischen Selbstlähmung befreit und handelt, wenn die Grenzen der Argumentation erreicht sind. (shrink)