Moja studija nadahnuta je tezom da filozofija svoj predmet izgrađuje tek kroz određenu normativnu perspektivu. Filozofsko postavljanje pitanja kozmopolitizma, kako sredstvima univerzalističkog morala uspostaviti udruženje slobodnih i (...) jednakih »građana svijeta«, zasniva tek normativan horizont očekivanja koji svrće pogled na bezumnu stvarnost. Bezumna stvarnost dade se okarakterizirati pojmom »društva svjetskoga rizika«, koji Ulrich Beck uvodi kao dijagnozu vremena koje su zadesile sve moguće katastrofe. Katastrofe predočuju kako su nesigurni temelji na kojima smo izgradili nacionalnu državu a time i demokraciju. Što se više rizici globaliziraju, tim više postajemo prisiljeni na »svjetsko-građansku svijest«. Usprkos spoznaji rizika koji se globaliziraju, mi smo prvenstveno »građani države«, a ne »građani svijeta«. Ne može se međutim poreći da granice nacionalne države gube na značenju. Polazeći od pretpostavke da je svjetsko društvo više kao tržište, htio bih istaknuti »kozmopolitski moment« transnacionalnog razgraničenja, kako bih razvio univerzalistički moral svjetskog građanskog društva s obzirom na budućnost demokracije. (shrink)
This article examines the web ecology of the 2010 local elections in South Korea by using social science hyperlink analysis. The online networks of candidates were measured (...) daily during the official campaign period. The results indicate that network dynamics among the candidates for education superintendent changed more rapidly as the campaign progressed than in the case of the mayoral candidates. However, the intensity of online networks for both campaigns was lower than for the country’s last presidential election, in 2007, suggesting that the web ecology of a given election is influenced by the perceived importance of the event and the general popularity of certain candidates. The results also suggest that producing and disseminating information, such as news articles, blog posts and tweets, reflects a more politically conscious action than referring to information via hyperlinks. Furthermore, the article sheds light on the ways in which hyperlink analysis serves as a research method for mining data for web ecology analysis, tracking political events at different points in time and illustrating the general landscape of electoral communication in cyberspace. (shrink)
The paper surveys the problem of language and translation in Antoine Berman’s pioneering achievements. This French philosopher of translation was deeply influenced not only by Schleiermacher, (...) class='Hi'>who affirmed the unity of thought and expression, but also by Benjamin, who drew attention to the formalism of language. In Berman’s view the essence of language lies in signifiers and letters. He criticized the Platonic view of language and translation which endows non-sensual, mental, and universal elements, with a higher ontological status. Thus Berman proposed a modern theory of translation without Platonism. Meanings can be realized through and within letters not only in the source language, but also in the target language. In this sense, Berman’s philosophy of translation clearly reflects “the achievements of modern semiotics” . The paper criticizes the conception of translation as trapped within the logic of identity, which ignores the differences between, and the multiplicity of, languages as a result of a deep-rooted drive to obtain a universal meaning. The paper shows that Berman’s philosophy reflects and accepts this multiplicity allowing thereby the logic of difference/otherness to flourish in translation. (shrink)
There have been historical and literary studies on the pre-deuteronomistic narrative of 1 Samuel 21 and 22. However, there have been few studies on the reception (...) class='Hi'>of Doeg the Edomite among the exilic and post-exilic communities. This article tries to show how the minor character of Doeg the Edomite in 1 Samuel 21 and 22 was understood by the exilic and post-exilic communities after the fall of Jerusalem. With this objective in mind, the article analyses the literary structure of 1 Samuel 21 and 22 with a focus on Doeg. Along with the literary approach to the text, it examines the historical setting of the exilic and post-exilic communities regarding their cultural memory and enmity towards Edomites. The conflict between Edom and Israel has been constantly described in the biblical text including the Deuteronomistic History. The enmity of Israel towards Edom had been worse after the fall of Jerusalem. The pre-deuteronomistic record of Doeg in 1 Samuel 21 and 22 would have been used as a propagandistic device to reinforce the enmity of the exilic and post-exilic communities towards Edom and Edomites. (shrink)
The author sets forth from the claim that the name of Hannah Arendt is tied to the radical and original revival of the question of political freedom, (...) which he substantiates with her famed statement that ”The purpose of politics is freedom.” The source of freedom and the political are identical or one. One the one hand, human freedom in this world is attainable only politically, while on the other, freedom is the sole reason for the subsistence and justification of politics. The author highlights three categories through which the criterion of political freedom is expressed in Hannah Arendt. These are identity, pluralism and spontaneity. (shrink)
L’auteur part de l’assertion avancée dans cet article que le nom de Hannah Arendt soulève la question radicale et originale de la liberté politique, ce qui (...) class='Hi'> est motivé par sa célèbre thèse que le sens de la politique est la liberté. Il s’agit de l’identité de la liberté et du politique et de leurs origines identiques. D’un côté, la liberté de l’Homme ne peut être réalisée que d’une manière politique et de l’autre, la liberté est la seule raison de l’existence et de la justification de la politique. L’auteur met en relief les trois catégories qui chez Hannah Arendt établissent les critères de la liberté politique. Ce sont l’identité, la pluralité et la spontanéité. (shrink)
Der Name Hannah Arendt bezeichnet eine ebenso radikale wie originale Erneuerung der Frage nach der „politischen Freiheit”. Um es gleich zu sagen: Freiheit ist mit dem Politischen (...) identisch und gleichursprünglich. „Der Sinn von Politik ist Freiheit.” Das heißt, die genuin menschliche Freiheit in dieser Welt ist nur politisch vollziehbar, während die Freiheit der einzige Existenz- und Rechtfertigungsgrund der Politik ist. Hannah Arendts Überlegungen über das Kriterium politischer Freiheit konzentrieren sich vor allem auf drei Kategorien: „Identität”, „Pluralität” und „Spontaneität”. (shrink)
This study is inspired by thesis that philosophy constructs its subject all through a certain normative perspective. Philosophical setting of cosmopolitanism question, how to establish society of (...) free and equal “citizens of the world” by means of universalistic morals, gives only the normative horizon of expectations which turns our look down on the irrational reality. Irrational reality can be defined by the notion of “society of worldly risk” used by Ulrich Beck for identifying the time affected with every possible disaster. Disasters adduce how uncertain are the foundations on which we have built a national state and thereby democracy. The more the risks are becoming global, the more we are becoming enforced to a “worldly-civil awareness”. Despite of acknowledging risks which are becoming more global, we are primarily the “citizens of the state” and not the “citizens of the world”. We can not, however, deny national state boundaries losing their significance. Starting with presumption how worldly society is more a joint market, the intention is to put accent on “cosmopolitan dimension” of trans-national demarcation in order to develop universalistic morals of worldly-civil society, considering the future of democracy. (shrink)
Die vorliegende Studie lässt sich von der These inspirieren, dass die Philosophie ihren Gegenstand durch eine bestimmte normative Perspektive erst erzeugt. Die philosophische Fragestellung des Kosmopolitismus, wie (...) sich eine Assoziation freier und gleicher „Weltbürger” mit Mitteln der universalistischen Moral herstellen lässt, entwirft erst den normativen Erwartungshorizont, der den Blick auf die vernunftlose Wirklichkeit lenkt. Die vernunftlose Wirklichkeit lässt sich durch den Terminus der „Weltrisikogesellschaft” charakterisieren, den Ulrich Beck zur Diagnose unserer von allen möglichen Katastrophen heimgesuchten Zeit einführt. Katastrophen führen vor Augen, wie unsicher die Fundamente sind, auf denen wir den nationalen Staat und damit die Demokratie errichtet haben. Je mehr sich die Risiken globalisieren, umso mehr werden wir zu „weltbürgerlichem Bewusstsein” angehalten. Trotz der Erkenntnis der sich globalisierenden Risiken sind wir primär „Staatsbürger” und nicht „Weltbürger”. Aber es lässt sich nicht leugnen, dass nationalstaatliche Grenzen an Bedeutung verlieren. Ausgehend von der Annahme, dass die Weltgesellschaft mehr als der Weltmarkt ist, möchte ich das „kosmopolitische Moment” der transnationalen Entgrenzung hervorheben, um eine universalistische Moral der weltbürgerlichen Gesellschaft im Hinblick auf die Zukunft der Demokratie zu entwickeln. (shrink)
Mon étude s’inspire de la thèse suivante : que la philosophie construit son objet seulement à partir d’une certaine perspective normative. La question philosophique du cosmopolitisme – (...) comment établir par le biais de la morale universelle l’association des « citoyens du monde » libres et égaux – ne fonde qu’un horizon normatif d’attentes qui attire le regard sur une réalité irrationnelle. La réalité irrationnelle se caractérise par la notion de « société mondiale du risque », introduite par Ulrich Beck pour faire le diagnostic de notre temps frappé par toutes les catastrophes envisageables. Celles-ci montrent à quel point les fondations sur lesquelles nous avons bâti l’État national et la démocratie sont instables. Plus les risques sont globalisés, plus nous sommes contraints à une « conscience civile mondiale ». Malgré la connaissance des risques globalisés, nous sommes en premier lieu « citoyens d’État » et non « citoyens du monde ». Il est néanmoins indéniable que les frontières de l’État national perdent leur importance. Partant de l’hypothèse que la société mondiale est plus qu’un marché mondial, je souhaiterais souligner le « moment cosmopolite » de la délimitation transnationale afin de développer la morale universaliste de la société civile mondiale à l’égard de l’avenir de la démocratie. (shrink)
This paper investigates whether the pattern of firms’ corporate social responsibility activities affects firm value. If firms do permanently CSR activities for strategic purposes, firms’ value is (...) more likely to increase. Using firms known to do CSR in Korea, we examine the valuation effect by adopting an earnings response coefficient model and document firms with permanent CSR activities, which show higher ERCs than other firms regardless of the level of CSR activities. This result partly explains the inconsistency among the results of previous studies by showing the differential implication for firm value depending on the CSR activity pattern. Also, the results of our paper imply that investors need to consider the pattern of firms’ CSR activities in their economic decision making. (shrink)
This article considers how the Japanese ports interact with the ports of China and along the 21st century Maritime Silk Road while they are embedded in the (...) global port network, especially in the context of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. At a port level, it primarily uses connectivity analysis to analyze the port relations and significances in the maritime network. In contrast, at the network level, it applies the methods from network sciences to analyze the significances of these maritime networks and the interactions among the maritime networks of Japan, China, and MSR. This article extracts a large-scale maritime network from ports and vessels’ profiles and data of vessels’ Automatic Identification System. It then examines the relations among the networks after defining the maritime networks, network generation schemes, and port network analysis tools. Based on the analysis results and findings, this study draws some implications for regional ports and shipping development and the global supply network. (shrink)
BackgroundExperience with open disclosure and its study are restricted to certain western countries. In addition, there are concerns that open disclosure may be less suitable in non- (...) class='Hi'>western countries. The present study explored and compared the in-depth perceptions of the general public and physicians regarding open disclosure in Korea.MethodsWe applied the COREQ checklist to this qualitative study. We conducted 20 in-depth interviews and four focus group discussions with 16 physicians and 18 members of the general public. In-depth interviews and focus group discussions were performed according to semi-structured guidelines developed according to a systematic review of open disclosure. We conducted a directed content analysis by analyzing the verbatim transcripts and field notes in accordance with the predetermined guidelines.ResultsOpen disclosure perceptions were summarized in terms of the “five Ws and one H”. All physician and general public participants acknowledged the normative justifiability of open disclosure. The participants mostly agreed on the known effects of open disclosure, but the physicians had negative opinions on its expected effects, such as decreased intention of the general public to file lawsuits and increased credibility of medical professionals. Generally, the participants thought that open disclosure is required for medical errors causing major harm. However, the physicians and general public had conflicting opinions on the need for open disclosure of near misses. Most physicians did not know how to conduct open disclosure and some physicians had bad experiences due to inappropriate or incomplete open disclosure.ConclusionPhysicians and the general public in Korea acknowledge the need for open disclosure. Guidelines according to the type of patient safety incident are required to encourage physicians to more readily conduct open disclosure. Furthermore, hospitals need to consider organizing a dedicated team and hiring experts for open disclosure. (shrink)
Does the Ship of Theseus present a genuine puzzle about persistence due to conflicting intuitions based on “continuity of form” and “continuity of matter” pulling in opposite (...) directions? Philosophers are divided. Some claim that it presents a genuine puzzle but disagree over whether there is a solution. Others claim that there is no puzzle at all since the case has an obvious solution. To assess these proposals, we conducted a cross-cultural study involving nearly 3,000 people across twenty-two countries, speaking eighteen different languages. Our results speak against the proposal that there is no puzzle at all and against the proposal that there is a puzzle but one that has no solution. Our results suggest that there are two criteria—“continuity of form” and “continuity of matter”— that constitute our concept of persistence and these two criteria receive different weightings in settling matters concerning persistence. (shrink)
This article analyzes the inaugural addresses of two Korean presidents using mixed methods of social network-oriented and socio-psychological linguistic text analyses. The analyses determined that former (...) class='Hi'> President Roh frequently used words relating to international affairs and politics, while current President Lee used rhetoric related to the economic perspective, emphasizing the construction of an advanced nation. The former was popularly known for his progressive policies while the latter emphasized his conservative and neo-liberal political stances during the presidential campaigns. As the first political-message analysis of its kind in Korea, this study has broad implications for inaugural-address research as an analytical tool to help understand not only the relationship between rhetorical substance and style but also the characteristics of presidential administrations’ political and social viewpoints. Cet article analyse les discours inauguraux de deux présidents Coréens en utilisant une méthode d’analyse mixte: l’analyse textuelle de réseaux sociaux et l’analyse textuelle socio-psychologique. L’analyse démontre que l’ancien président Roh a souvent recours à des termes en relation avec les affaires internationales et la politique, alors que l’actuel président Lee a recours à une rhétorique en relation avec la perspective économique, et insiste sur la nécessité de construire une nation avancée. L’ex-président était connu pour sa politique progressiste alors que l’actuel président a affirmé ses positions conservatrices et néo-libérales pendant la campagne présidentielle. Cette étude, à savoir l’analyse d’un message politique, est la première analyse de ce type en Corée; elle permet de mettre en lumière l’intérêt de la recherche sur les discours inauguraux en tant qu’outil analytique permettant de comprendre non seulement les relations entre contenu du discours et style de rhétorique, mais aussi les visions politiques et sociales qui sous-tendent deux projets présidentiels différents. (shrink)
This article has the purpose of examining the commentation that Sung-ho Yi Ik and Da-san Jung Yak-yong developed of Sa-chil Debate (사칠논쟁) Which was (...) class='Hi'>a philosophical debate in Chosun Dynasty. Sa-chil Debate began from Toe-gye Yi Whang and Ko-bong Gi Dae-sung and soon as a result of Yul-gok Yi Yi and Woo-gae Sung Hon repeating the debate, It appeared as a kind of philosophical theme. After that, Yul-gok and Toe-gye's students formed a kind of school. They also made the debate extended and the theory more sophisticated by criticizing a counterpart's argument on base of ideologizing their teacher's theory. About 200 years after Toe-gye died, Sung-ho Yi Ik was born and after about 250 years, Da-san Jung Yak-yong was born. Both they experienced a western naturalscience and a catholic theory as Silhak Scholars (실학자). Therefore their this kind of interpretation about Sung-li Debate must be offering a deeply interesting investigation to us. In conclusion, Sung-ho advocated Toe-gye's theory at all, adding more explanation to it and Da-san evaluated all of Toe-gye's and Yul-gok's theory to be right because their theories have a unique logicality of making a sense. Sung-ho stood on a Shilhak view point gave up a organic cosmology ofSung-li theory which has a continuity to cosmology and moral theory, arguing Sa-chil-Li bal-Yil-lo Theory (四七理發一路說) by understanding Sa-chil Debate based on only moral perspective. Even though Da-san also said Yang-si Theory (兩是論) that both their theories are all right, he argued that Toe-gye's theory is much more important in the aspect of moral practice owing to his religious opinion by a catholic affect. By the way, Sung-ho supplemented and explained Toe-gye's theory, but he had not a sufficient logic and was not objective because of his leaning into advocating Toe-gye's theory much further. Da-san had an advantage of evaluating both Toe-gye's and Yul-gok's theory to be all right, but came to argue an insufficient philosophy on account of its simplicity. (shrink)
The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) crisis ought to serve as a reminder about the costs of failure to consider another long-term risk, climate change. For this (...) class='Hi'> reason, it is imperative to consider the merits of policies that may help to limit climate damages. This essay rebuts three common objections to carbon taxes: (1) that they do not change behaviour, (2) that they generate unfair burdens and increase inequality, and (3) that fundamental, systemic change is needed instead of carbon taxes. The responses are (1) that there is both theoretical and empirical reason to think that carbon taxes do change behaviour, with larger taxes changing it to a greater extent; (2) that undistributed carbon taxes are regressive but distributing the tax receipts can alleviate that regressivity (and, in many cases, make the overall effect progressive); and (3) that while small changes for increasing democratic decision-making may be helpful, (fundamental) change takes time and the climate crisis requires urgent action. //// -/- La crise de lamaladie à coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) devrait servir de rappel sur les coûts de la non-prise en compte d’un autre risque à long terme, les changements climatiques. Pour cette raison, il est impératif de considérer lesmérites des politiques susceptibles de contribuer à limiter les changements climatiques. Cet essai réfute trois objections courantes aux taxes sur le carbone : (1) qu’elles ne changent pas les comportements (2) qu’elles génèrent des charges injustes et augmentent les inégalités, et (3) qu’un changement fondamental et systémique est nécessaire au lieu de taxes sur le carbone. Les réponses sont (1) qu’il existe des raisons à la fois théoriques et empiriques de penser que les taxes sur le carbone modifient effectivement les comportements, et que des taxes plus élevées les modifient dans une plus grande mesure; (2) que les taxes sur le carbone non distribuées sont régressives,mais que la distribution des recettes fiscales peut atténuer cette régressivité (et, dans de nombreux cas, rendre l’effet global progressif); et (3) que, bien que de petits changements pour l’amélioration de la prise de décision démocratique peuvent être utiles, un changement (fondamental) prend du temps et la crise climatique exige une action urgente. (shrink)
[Article currently freely available to all at the DOI link below] A question arising from the COVID-19 crisis is whether the merits of cases for climate (...) class='Hi'>policies have been affected. This article focuses on carbon pricing, in the form of either carbon taxes or emissions trading. It discusses the extent to which relative costs and benefits of introducing carbon pricing may have changed in the context of COVID-19, during both the crisis and the recovery period to follow. In several ways, the case for introducing a carbon price is stronger during the COVID-19 crisis than under normal conditions. Oil costs are lower than normal, so we would expect less harm to consumers compared to normal conditions. Governments have immediate need for diversified new revenue streams in light of both decreased tax receipts and greater use of social safety nets. Finally, supply and demand shocks have led to already destabilized supply-side activities, and carbon pricing would allow this destabilization to equilibrate around greener production for the long-term. The strengthening of the case for introducing carbon pricing now is highly relevant to discussions about recovery measures, especially in the context of policy announcements from the European Union and United States House of Representatives. Key Policy Insights: • Persistently low oil prices mean that consumers will face lower pain from carbon pricing than under normal conditions. • Many consumers are more price-sensitive during the COVID-19 context, which suggests that a greater relative burden from carbon prices would fall upon producers as opposed to consumers than under normal conditions. • Carbon prices in the COVID-19 context can introduce new revenue streams, assisting with fiscal holes or with other green priorities. • Carbon pricing would contribute to a more sustainable COVID-19 recovery period, since many of the costs of revamping supply chains are already being felt while idled labor capacity can be incorporated into firms with lower carbon-intensity. (shrink)
Utility discounting in intertemporal economic modelling has been viewed as problematic, both for descriptive and normative reasons. However, positive utility discount rates can be defended normatively; in (...) particular, it is rational for future utility to be discounted to take into account model-independent outcomes when decision-making under risk. The resultant values will tend to be smaller than descriptive rates under most probability assignments. This also allows us to address some objections that intertemporal considerations will be overdemanding. A principle for utility discount rates is suggested which is rooted in probability discounting. Utility discounting is defended against objections from Parfit (1984) and Broome (2005); Broome (2012). A sample utility discount rate is estimated. [Open access]. (shrink)
[Comment] Jonathan Herington argues that harms can occur whether or not there is actually a loss. He claims that subjectively or objectively merely being at risk of (...) losing access to basic goods is sufficient for lowering that individual’s well-being for the value of ‘security’. I challenge whether losing access to basic goods is sufficient to justify the introduction of this value. I also point to some issues in his interpretation of IPCC risk categories and the social science research he relies on. [Open access]. (shrink)
This study investigates the educational thought of Confucius with focus on the educational relationship in the Analects, which is a historical text that defines the foundations of (...) Confucianism. The first part of the investigation examines Confucius’ concept of the educational relationship and how it is characterized with a dialogical spirit, which consists of worldly and secular human-orientedness, co-existentiality as a fundamental principle for educational practice, and dialogue to become an ideal ruler through self-discipline. The second stage of this study further examines the spirit of dialogue in the Analects with consideration of its historical–cultural context. Through this process, the study unravels the historical and cultural limitations of original Confucian educational thought for modern society and proposes a possible way to reengage Confucius’ educational value in today’s modern educational context. (shrink)
When probability discounting (or probability weighting), one multiplies the value of an outcome by one's subjective probability that the outcome will obtain in decision-making. The broader (...) class='Hi'> import of defending probability discounting is to help justify cost-benefit analyses in contexts such as climate change. This chapter defends probability discounting under risk both negatively, from arguments by Simon Caney (2008, 2009), and with a new positive argument. First, in responding to Caney, I argue that small costs and benefits need to be evaluated, and that viewing practices at the social level is too coarse-grained. Second, I argue for probability discounting, using a distinction between causal responsibility and moral responsibility. Moral responsibility can be cashed out in terms of blameworthiness and praiseworthiness, while causal responsibility obtains in full for any effect which is part of a causal chain linked to one's act. With this distinction in hand, unlike causal responsibility, moral responsibility can be seen as coming in degrees. My argument is, given that we can limit our deliberation and consideration to that which we are morally responsible for and that our moral responsibility for outcomes is limited by our subjective probabilities, our subjective probabilities can ground probability discounting. (shrink)
[Comment] Donald Trump’s executive order on energy limits the costs and benefits of carbon to domestic sources. The argument for this executive order is that carbon (...) class='Hi'>policies should not be singled out from other policies as globally inclusive. Two independent arguments are offered for adopting a global social cost of carbon. The first is based on reinforcing norms in the face of commons tragedies. The second is based on the limitations of consequentialist analyses. We can distinguish consequences for which probabilistic indifference is appropriate. The mechanisms for global effects for carbon are well-understood, whereas most policy effects are primarily domestic. [Open access]. (shrink)