4 found
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  1.  74
    Manifestations of genericity.Yael Greenberg - 2003 - New York: Routledge.
    In this book, Yael Greenberg discusses and clarifies a number of controversial issues and phenomena in the generic literature, including the existence of ...
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  2.  79
    Exceptions to generics: Where vagueness, context dependence and modality interact.Yael Greenberg - 2007 - Journal of Semantics 24 (2):131-167.
    This paper deals with the exceptions-tolerance property of generic sentences with indefinite singular and bare plural subjects (IS and BP generics, respectively) and with the way this property is connected to some well-known observations about felicity differences between the two types of generics (e.g. Lawler's 1973, Madrigals are popular vs. #A madrigal is popular). I show that whereas both IS and BP generics tolerate exceptional and contextually irrelevant individuals and situations in a strikingly similar way, which indicates the existence of (...)
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  3.  43
    A revised, gradability-based semantics for even.Yael Greenberg - 2018 - Natural Language Semantics 26 (1):51-83.
    This paper concentrates on giving precise content to the general wisdom on the scalar presupposition of even, according to which the prejacent of even, p, is stronger than its relevant focus alternatives, q. To that end I first examine both familiar challenges for the popular ‘comparative likelihood’ view of the ‘stronger than’ relation, as well as novel challenges, having to do with the context dependency of even and with its sensitivity to standards of comparison. To overcome these challenges and to (...)
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  4.  14
    On the scalar antonymy of only and even.Yael Greenberg - 2022 - Natural Language Semantics 30 (4):415-452.
    An old observation about the focus sensitive particles _only_ and _even_ is that they are in some sense scalar antonyms. We examine three schematic proposals raised in the literature to capture this observation, namely that _only_ vs. _even_ presuppose that the proposition denoted by their prejacent, _p_, is lower vs. higher, respectively _(A)_ than _what is EXPECTED/the default STANDARD_ ( the ‘mirative/evaluative antonymy’ view ), _(B)_ than _SOME (salient) alternative_ in the set of contextually relevant focus alternatives, C, ( the (...)
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