Results for 'democratic peace'

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  1.  30
    Democracy, Peace and the War System: The Democratic Peace Project.Andrew Blom - 2013 - Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 23 (2):3-20.
    The idea that peace prevails in the relations among liberal democratic states, given its first expression in Kant’s essay “Toward Perpetual Peace,” has gathered a great deal of attention in the post-Cold War period as both a testable hypothesis and a proposal for expanding peace through democratization. This article examines the explanations for how a democratic peace is achieved and sustained. It argues that, despite tendencies within democratic state relations toward peaceful conflict resolution, (...)
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  2. Bruce Anderson,“Discovery” in Legal Decision-Making. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996, 170 Pp. ISBN 0-7923-2981-9, $105.00 (Hb). Rudolf Arnheim, The Split and the Structure. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1996, 184 Pp.(Indexed). ISBN 0-520-20478-6, $14.95 (Pb). [REVIEW]Democratic Peace - 1997 - Journal of Value Inquiry 31:583-587.
     
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  3. The Democratic Peace is Not Democratic: On Behalf of Rawls' Decent Societies.Walter Riker - 2009 - Political Studies 57 (3):617-638.
    In The Law of Peoples, John Rawls defends the claim that ‘decent’ societies (non-liberal, non-democratic constitutional republics) deserve full and good standing in the international community. His defense of decent societies consists of two main arguments. First, he argues that the basic human right to political participation does not imply a right to democratic political institutions. This argument has been thoroughly discussed by commentators. Second, he argues that decent societies, if admitted to the international community, would pose no (...)
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  4.  19
    The Triumph of Liberal Democratic Peace and the Dangers of Its Success.Fuat Gürsözlü - 2018 - In Andrew Fiala (ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Pacifism and Nonviolence. London, UK: pp. 213-224.
  5.  41
    Rawls’s Decent Peoples and the Democratic Peace Thesis.Walter Riker - 2004 - Social Philosophy Today 20:137-153.
    In The Law of Peoples, Rawls defends the stability of his proposed international order with the democratic peace thesis. But he fails to extend this thesis to decent peoples, which is curious, since they are a non-temporary feature of his law of peoples. This opens Rawls’s proposal to certain objections, which I argue can be met once we understand fully the nature of the democratic peace. Nevertheless, there is reason to worry about the stability of Rawls’s (...)
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  6.  7
    Rawls’s Decent Peoples and the Democratic Peace Thesis.Walter Riker - 2004 - Social Philosophy Today 20:137-153.
    In The Law of Peoples, Rawls defends the stability of his proposed international order with the democratic peace thesis. But he fails to extend this thesis to decent peoples, which is curious, since they are a non-temporary feature of his law of peoples. This opens Rawls’s proposal to certain objections, which I argue can be met once we understand fully the nature of the democratic peace. Nevertheless, there is reason to worry about the stability of Rawls’s (...)
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  7.  61
    Just War, Democracy, Democratic Peace.M. Evans - 2012 - European Journal of Political Theory 11 (2):191-208.
    In recent times, ‘just war’ discourse has become unfortunately associated, in the minds of some, with the idea of the forcible promotion or imposition of democracy as a legitimate just cause. It would thus be understandable if supporters of just war theory were to disavow any particular linkage of its tenets with the democratic ideal. However, while certainly not endorsing the stated cause, this article contends that the theory in its most plausible and attractive form does exhibit certain biases (...)
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  8.  39
    Beyond the Democratic Peace: An Instrumental Justification of Transnational Democracy.James Bohman - 2006 - Journal of Social Philosophy 37 (1):127-138.
  9.  42
    The Middle of History: Liberalism and International Relations The Liberal Moment: Modernity, Security, and the Making of the Postwar International Order, Robert Latham , 296 Pp., $49.50 Cloth, $18.50 Paper. Debating the Democratic Peace: An International Security Reader, Michael E. Brown, Sean M. Lynn-Jones, and Steven E. Miller, Eds. , 379 Pp., $18.00 Paper. The Elements of World Order: Essays on International Politics, Louis J. Halle, Edited by Kenneth W. Thompson , 320 Pp., $52.50 Cloth, $32.50 Paper. [REVIEW]Cathal J. Nolan - 1998 - Ethics and International Affairs 12:208-212.
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  10.  37
    German Reparations and a Democratic Peace.Karl Bode - 1944 - Thought: Fordham University Quarterly 19 (4):594-606.
  11.  21
    Thucydides and Democratic Peace.Eric Robinson - 2006 - Journal of Military Ethics 5 (4):243-253.
  12.  5
    Is Pacifism a Democratic Virtue? Pragmatist Reflections on an Often Neglected Dimension of Contemporary Peace Ethics.Christian Polke - 2018 - Studies in Christian Ethics 31 (2):214-228.
    The article questions concepts of ‘democratic peace’ that presuppose an intrinsic relation between pacifism and democracy. This view lacks from both, empirical evidence and historical insight. Instead, pacifism as political and personal virtue can be better linked to the Deweyan idea of democracy as the basic way of life, that is, mutual cooperation and self-realisation. But not only pacifism but also warfare and aggressive conduct often are rooted and result in an ethos of solidarity and cooperation. Therefore, the (...)
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  13.  12
    A Girardian Critique of the Liberal Democratic Peace Theory.Kyle Scott - 2008 - Contagion: Journal of Violence, Mimesis, and Culture 15:45-62.
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  14.  20
    Agreeing to Fight: An Explanation of the Democratic Peace.John W. Patty & Roberto A. Weber - 2006 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (3):305-320.
  15.  15
    Thucydides, Ancient Greece, and the Democratic Peace.Bruce Russett - 2006 - Journal of Military Ethics 5 (4):254-269.
  16.  15
    Beyond the Democratic Peace: An Instrumental Justification of Transnational Democracy.James Bohman - 2006 - Journal of Social Philosophy 37 (1):127–138.
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  17.  86
    Democratic and Perpetual Peace: Kant and Contemporary Peace Politics.Karel Mom - 2006 - Theoria 53 (110):50-73.
    This paper criticizes an empirical reading of On Perpetual Peace. It is also equally critical of the approach taken by philosophically minded scholars to give preference to Kant's philosophical outlook. Instead, it focuses on the peculiar oscillation between the philosophical and political aspects of the essay. Contrary to current concerns to update the conceptual framework of On Perpetual Peace—to rescue it from becoming obsolete—its salient irony, which mediates between both aspects, is singled out as a clue to an (...)
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  18.  35
    Democratic Leadership in Peace and War.Joseph Conrad Fehr - 1942 - Thought: Fordham University Quarterly 17 (1):37-48.
  19.  24
    Approaches to World Peace. Fourth Symposium of the Conference on Science, Philosophy, and Religion in Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life.Joseph Ratner - 1945 - Journal of Philosophy 42 (9):247-250.
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  20.  16
    Education for Democratic Citizenship and Peace: Proposal for a Cosmopolitan Model.Iftikhar Ahmad & Michelle Y. Szpara - forthcoming - Educational Studies: Journal of the American Educational Studies Association.
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  21. Democratic Pacifism-Current Interpretations of the First Definite Article of the Kantian Peace Letter.Ulrich Thiele - 2008 - Kant-Studien 99 (2):180-199.
     
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  22. Journalism for Peace and Justice: Towards a Comparative Analysis of Media Paradigms.Robert A. Hackett - 2010 - Studies in Social Justice 4 (2):179-198.
    This paper compares different normative and institutional paradigms of journalism with respect to peaceful conflict resolution and democratic communication. It begins with the problematic but still dominant 'regime of objectivity,' and then considers three contemporary challengers: peace journalism, alternative media, and media democratization/communication rights movements. The paradigms are compared in terms of such factors as public philosophy, epistemological assumptions, characteristic practices, institutional entailments, relationship to dominant institutions and power structures, allies and opponents, and antagonisms and synergies between them. (...)
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  23.  70
    There is No Human Right to Democracy. But May We Promote It Anyway?Matthew Lister - 2012 - Stanford Journal of International Law 48 (2):257.
    The idea of “promoting democracy” is one that goes in and out of favor. With the advent of the so-called “Arab Spring”, the idea of promoting democracy abroad has come up for discussion once again. Yet an important recent line of thinking about human rights, starting with John Rawls’s book The Law of Peoples, has held that there is no human right to democracy, and that nondemocratic states that respect human rights should be “beyond reproach” in the realm of international (...)
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  24.  72
    Religious Practices and Democratic Values in India: A Search for Interreligious Dialogue.Sirswal Desh Raj - 2017 - In Proceedings of National Seminar on World Religions: A Step Towards Inter Religious Dialogue.
    India has a long, rich, and diverse tradition of philosophical thoughts, spanning some two and a half millennia and encompassing several major religious traditions. India’s democracy can be said to rest on the foundation of religious practice due to the practice of multi-religions and different sects in its continent. Religious practices ties among citizens that generate positive and democratic political outcomes if we see it from the ideals of any religious doctrine as per their written scripture. But in society (...)
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  25.  17
    Must Dewey and Kierkegaard's Inquiry for World Peace Be Violent?R. Scott Webster - 2011 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 43 (5):521-533.
    Amongst the many aims of education, surely the pursuit of global peace must be one of the most significant. The mandate of UNESCO is to pursue world peace through education by primarily promoting collaboration. The sort of collaboration that UNESCO endorses involves democratic dialogue, where various persons from differing backgrounds can come together, listen, negotiate and discuss possible ways in which peace might be pursued. While this sort of democratic dialogue with its associated free intellectual (...)
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  26.  14
    At Cross Purposes? Democratization and Peace Implementation Strategies in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Frozen Conflict.Valery Perry - 2009 - Human Rights Review 10 (1):35-54.
    The case of post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) provides an interesting lens through which to reflect on the interconnected and often conflicting challenges of implementation of internationally brokered peace agreements, external support to democratic transition and consolidation, and contemporary notions of sovereignty and state building. This chapter suggests that in the case of BiH, certain contradictions and tradeoffs have been and may still be necessary to ensure a foundation for future stability and democratic consolidation. The situation in (...)
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  27.  7
    World Peace and the Human Family.Roy Weatherford - 1993 - Routledge.
    Modern coverage of world events suggest that war and violence are key to contemporary society. History can convince us that it has ever been so, and many theorist of international relations argue that nothing is likely to change. Roy Weatherford argues that a profound change in social relations is imminent as national sovereignty yields to a democratic world culture, speaking a world language and living as a world wide family - the human family. For too long world peace (...)
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  28.  29
    Global Justice After the Fall Christian Realism and the “Law of Peoples”.Edmund N. Santurri - 2005 - Journal of Religious Ethics 33 (4):783-814.
    In "The Law of Peoples" John Rawls casts his proposals as an argument against what he calls "political realism." Here, I contend that a certain version of "Christian political realism" survives Rawls's polemic against political realism sans phrase and that Rawls overstates his case against political realism writ large. Specifically, I argue that Rawls's dismissal of "empirical political realism" is underdetermined by the evidence he marshals in support of the dismissal and that his rejection of "normative political realism" is in (...)
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  29.  2
    Empowered Peace.Patrick Ahern - 2018 - Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 28 (2):60-80.
    Spinoza’s defense of a dynamic democracy arises from his account of finite beings, and shifts from finite beings to ever more complex bodies, such as the human individual and the artificial individual of the state. In this account, he challenges political authority to be responsive to the insight that our power arises out of rather than in spite of our multiplicity. Spinoza’s conception of social power provides a critical understanding of democratic organization that requires the incorporation of marginalized voices. (...)
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  30.  10
    How Cosmopolitanism Reduces Conflict: A Broad Reading of Kant’s Third Ingredient for Peace.Luigi Caranti - 2018 - Journal of International Political Theory 14 (1):2-19.
    Kant’s theory of peace has been reinterpreted under one of the most influential research programs of our times: The so-called democratic peace theory. In particular, the third ingredient of Kant’s “recipe” for peace —the cosmopolitan right to visit—has been recognized as a powerful and effective instrument to reduce militarized interstate conflicts. In the hands of political scientists, however, this ingredient has often become nothing more than a set of rules for securing and facilitating international trade and (...)
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  31. A Post-Democratic Future?Massimo Pigliucci - 2013 - The Philosophers' Magazine 61 (12 June):16-18.
    As short a time ago as 1992, political scientist Francis Fukuyama was optimistically (and wrongly, as it turned out) predicting “the end of history”, a stable future where liberal democracies would be the norm throughout the world, leading to lasting peace and economic prosperity. A few years later we have Eric Li, who equally gingerly predicts (for example in the pages of Foreign Affairs magazine) a “post-democratic” future, beginning with the success of China. Oh boy.
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  32.  7
    Women Peace and Security: Adrift in Policy and Practice.Laura Davis - 2019 - Feminist Legal Studies 27 (1):95-107.
    This comment reflects on how the Women, Peace and Security agenda has been translated into policy and put into practice by the European Union and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Although the WPS agenda has enabled many gains by women peacebuilders, this comment identifies important challenges from these two very different contexts. First, situating WPS policy areas within a broader feminist political economy analysis demonstrates how little influence the WPS agenda has across government. Second, the WPS agenda is (...)
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  33.  43
    Rawls’s Inclusivism and the Case of ‘Religious Militants for Peace’: A Reply to Weithman’s Restrictive Inclusivism.Valentina Gentile - 2018 - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche 8 (1):13-33.
    Across almost a decade, Desmond Tutu, Anglican cleric and chairman of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, supported a model of civil resistance against the apartheid regime based solely on religious argument. Tutu is one of what Appleby (2000) calls the “religious militants for peace”: people of faith who use religious arguments to buttress resistance against unjust regimes and to support vital political change with regard to rights and justice. Yet the employment of religious arguments to justify political action (...)
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  34. Citizenship Under Fire: Democratic Education in Times of Conflict.Sigal R. Ben-Porath - 2009 - Princeton University Press.
    Citizenship under Fire examines the relationship among civic education, the culture of war, and the quest for peace. Drawing on examples from Israel and the United States, Sigal Ben-Porath seeks to understand how ideas about citizenship change when a country is at war, and what educators can do to prevent some of the most harmful of these changes.Perhaps the most worrisome one, Ben-Porath contends, is a growing emphasis in schools and elsewhere on social conformity, on tendentious teaching of history, (...)
     
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  35.  38
    Is Democratic Toleration a Rubber Duck?Glen Newey - 2001 - Res Publica 7 (3):315-336.
    Democratic politicians face pressures unknown to the prerogative rulers of the early modern period when toleration was first formulated as a political ideal. These pressures are less often expressed as demands by groups or individuals for the permission of practices they dislike than for their restraint or outright prohibition; tolerant dispositions are less politically clamorous. The executive structure of toleration as a virtue, together with the ‘fact of reasonable pluralism’, make conflicts over toleration peculiarly intractable. Political conflicts are apt (...)
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  36. The Lesson of This Century: With Two Talks on Freedom and the Democratic State.Karl Popper - 1996 - Routledge.
    In The Lesson of this Century Popper's purpose is to warn us against the increasing violence and egoism of our society. What solutions can we offer to the problems of the environment, demography and corruption? How can we prevent the violence our society engenders? How can we preserve our democratic system while at the same time paving the way for global peace? Popper believes that the philosopher has a duty to intervene in politics and he utters a clear (...)
     
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  37. Peace Without Justice: Obstacles to Building the Rule of Law in El Salvador.Margaret Popkin - 2000 - Pennsylvania State University Press.
    Popkin analyzes the role of international actors, notably the United States and the United Nations, and the contributions and limitations of international assistance in efforts to establish accountability and reform the justice system in El Salvador. The author discusses the essential role of civil society in attempts to establish accountability and an effective justice system for all, and looks at the reasons for and the consequences of the limited role played by Salvadorean civil society. She also addresses the challenges facing (...)
     
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  38.  9
    Beyond the Liberal Peace Project: Toward Peace with Justice.Harry van der Linden - 2001 - Journal of Social Philosophy 32 (3):419–430.
    Many contemporary liberals adhere to the "liberal peace project" -- that is, the idea that world peace can be realized through the spread of political liberalism, or capitalist democracy. The LPP is based on projecting toward the future the well-documented fact that secure modern democracies have never fought wars with one another. A spirit of optimism prevails among LPP proponents, bolstered by the recent uprise in democracies, and they argue that their cause can be advanced by a liberal (...)
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  39.  2
    From Security to Peace and Concord.Stefano Visentin - 2019 - Theoria 66 (159):71-90.
    The aim of this article is to discuss how Spinoza’s Theological- Political Treatise and Political Treatise deal with the development of a free and pacific commonwealth, taking into account both a comparison with the irenic tradition of Erasmus and the original position of Spinoza’s republicanism within the Dutch context of that period. To approach this issue, comparing Spinoza’s idea of security with the Hobbesian one can also be useful in order to demonstrate that security and freedom are not antithetical in (...)
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  40.  35
    Engaging the Public in the Ethics of Robots for War and Peace.Peter Danielson - 2011 - Philosophy and Technology 24 (3):239-249.
    Emerging technologies like robotics for war and peace stress our moral norms and generate much public interest and controversy. We use this interest to attract participants to an innovative on-line survey platform, designed for experimenting with public engagement in the ethics of technology. In particular, the N-Reasons platform addresses several issues in democratic ethics: the cost of public participation, the methodological issue of feasible reflective ethical equilibrium (how can individuals in a large group, take into account the ethical (...)
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  41.  30
    Does the Australian National Framework for Values Education Stifle an Education for World Peace?R. Scott Webster - 2010 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 42 (4):462-475.
    This paper aims to offer an evaluation of Australia's National Framework for Values Education in terms of its educative value. The criteria to be employed in this evaluation shall be drawn primarily from the works of UNESCO and John Dewey. In addition to a re-evaluation of values, consideration will also be given to how individual learners are being prepared to participate democratically in the quest for world peace. It will therefore be necessary to determine whether the Australian framework promotes (...)
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  42.  16
    Sport and the Culture of Peace.V. Stolyarov - 2008 - Proceedings of the Xxii World Congress of Philosophy 36:147-152.
    The concept of the culture of peace has been developed under the UNESCO auspices by prominent academicians, scientists and artists. The challenge is to replace the culture of conflict, which is oriented towards violence and conflict resolution by force, by the culture of peace. Its underlying basics are non-acceptance of violence, devotion to democratic principles, promotion of freedom, justice, and solidarity ant tolerance, mutual respect for others’ cultures, ideologies, beliefs and other humanistic values. As far as sport (...)
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  43.  13
    Peace Education, Domestic Tranquility, and Democracy: The Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Disaster as Domestic Violence.Kanako Ide - 2014 - Ethics and Education 9 (1):102-112.
    This article is an attempt to develop a theory of peace education through an examination of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster. It examines why Japan did not avoid this terrible nuclear disaster. This is an educational issue, because one of the major impacts of Fukushima's catastrophe is that it indicates the failure of peace education. In order to reestablish a theory of peace education, the concept of domestic tranquility is discussed. This article questions whether the Japanese public (...)
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  44.  8
    Appraising Myanmar's Democratic Transition and Evolving Challenges.N. Ganesan - 2017 - Japanese Journal of Political Science 18 (1):196-215.
    Democratic transitions in Asia have received widespread interest in the political science literature since the 1990s. The Thein Sein-led government that came into power in 2010 in Myanmar has undertaken wide ranging reforms that has altered the country's political landscape. They include evolving a working relationship with the political opposition, freeing political prisoners, and the granting of amnesty to political exiles to encourage their return, the negotiation of ceasefire agreements with almost all of the ethnic insurgent armies and the (...)
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  45.  11
    September 11, Social Theory and Democratic Politics.D. Kellner - 2002 - Theory, Culture and Society 19 (4):147-159.
    In an analysis of the September 11 terror attacks on the US, I want first to suggest how certain dominant social theories were put in question during the momentous and world-shaking events of fall 2001. I take up the claim that `everything has changed' in the wake of September 11 and attempt to indicate both changes and continuities to avoid one-sided exaggerations and ideological simplicities. I conclude with reflections on the implications of September 11 and the subsequent Afghanistan Terror War (...)
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  46.  13
    Polish Democratic Thought in the Occupied Country 1939–1945.Andrzej Friszke - 2006 - Dialogue and Universalism 16 (7-9):79-87.
    Political thought of the war and occupation period continued the ideological and program searches started already before 1939. The concept of democracy was mostly associated with the values such as individual freedom, civil rights, safety of citizens, society of the state; cooperation among nations in the fields of politics, economy and protection of peace. The author deals with topics like: democratic international order; democratic political order and economic system. The author concludes the article with a few synthesizing (...)
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  47.  4
    From Conflictual Systems to a Society of Peace: Nonviolence Facing Organized Evil.Roberto Mancini - 2014 - Diogenes 61 (3-4):59-70.
    This article is focused on the relation between peace and nonviolence. It claims that the main challenge for peace comes from the power of structural violence. This is the main form of evil in history. Today structural violence is at work in the political and economic global systems. They obey a logic of conflict. The exercise of nonviolence can avoid the tendency to transform the connection between violence, evil, dehumanization, and great organizational systems into a destiny. The dynamic (...)
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  48. Against Religion, Wars, and States: The Case for Enlightenment Atheism, Just War Pacifism, and Liberal-Democratic Anarchism.Andrew Fiala - 2013 - Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
    Andrew Fiala's Against Religion, Wars, and States: The Case for Enlightenment Atheism, Just War Pacifism, and Liberal-Democratic Anarchism argues that we need to overcome the idea of the nation-state and look toward global justice, that we need to develop a more critical stance toward religion while embracing enlightened humanism and natural science, and that we need to look beyond violent solutions to social problems in order to build world peace.
     
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  49. The Lesson of This Century: With Two Talks on Freedom and the Democratic State.Karl Popper - 1996 - Routledge.
    In _The Lesson of this Century_ Popper's purpose is to warn us against the increasing violence and egoism of our society. What solutions can we offer to the problems of the environment, demography and corruption? How can we prevent the violence our society engenders? How can we preserve our democratic system while at the same time paving the way for global peace? Popper believes that the philosopher has a duty to intervene in politics and he utters a clear (...)
     
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  50. Peace as the End of the Republic.José Sánchez - 2012 - Archiv für Rechts- Und Sozialphilosophie 98 (4):544-555.
    It is evident that the international order has been changed at the beginning of the twenty-first century after the terrorist attacks of September 2001. Peace is the essential end of every constitutional democracy, internally -in the relationships that its members maintain among themselves-, as well as externally -those relations that a society sustains with others. The problem arises especially in the relation of constitutional democracies with other political regimes. Whereas Kant defended that the best means to achieve peace (...)
     
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