Results for 'republican freedom'

921 found
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  1.  85
    Republican freedom, rights, and the coalition problem.Keith Dowding - 2011 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (3):301-322.
    Republican freedom is freedom from domination juxtaposed to negative freedom as freedom from interference. Proponents argue that republican freedom is superior since it highlights that individuals lose freedoms even when they are not subject to interference, and claim republican freedom is more ‘resilient’. Republican freedom is trivalent, that is, it includes the idea that someone might be non-free to perform some actions rather than unfree, and in that sense everyone (...)
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  2.  45
    Keeping republican freedom simple.of Republican Liberty - 2002 - Political Theory 30 (3):339-356.
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  3. Republican Freedom and Liberal Neutrality.Lars Moen - 2023 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 26 (2):325–348.
    Institutions promoting republican freedom as non-domination are commonly believed to differ significantly from institutions promoting negative freedom as non-interference. Philip Pettit, the most prominent contemporary defender of this view, also maintains that these republican institutions are neutral between the different conceptions of the good that characterise a modern society. This paper shows why these two views are incompatible. By analysing the institutional requirements Pettit takes as constitutive of republican freedom, I show how they also (...)
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  4. Republican freedom and the rule of law.Christian List - 2006 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (2):201-220.
    At the core of republican thought, on Philip Pettit’s account, lies the conception of freedom as non-domination, as opposed to freedom as noninterference in the liberal sense. I revisit the distinction between liberal and republican freedom and argue that republican freedom incorporates a particular rule-of-law requirement, whereas liberal freedom does not. Liberals may also endorse such a requirement, but not as part of their conception of freedom itself. I offer a formal (...)
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  5. Reconstructing republican freedom.Michael J. Thompson - 2013 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 39 (3):277-298.
    This article presents a critique of Philip Pettit’s concept of ‘freedom as non-domination’ and provides an alternative theory of both domination and republican political freedom. I argue that Pettit’s neo-republican concept of domination is insufficient to confront modern forms of domination and that this hampers his concept of republican freedom and its political relevance under the conditions of modernity. Whereas the neo-republican account of domination is defined by ‘arbitrary interference’, modern forms of domination, (...)
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  6.  51
    Measuring republican freedom.Nicolas Côté - 2022 - Synthese 200 (6).
    Republican and so-called independence conceptions of freedom stand out from other conceptions by embedding strong modal conditions on what it takes for a person to count as being free to do something. For this reason, the extent of one’s freedom, conceived under republican/independentist lights, cannot be measured by any of the measures of freedom that have been developed so far in the literature on freedom, since these do not register the requisite modal constraints. In (...)
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  7. Republican Freedom, Popular Control, and Collective Action.Sean Ingham & Frank Lovett - forthcoming - American Journal of Political Science.
    Republicans hold that people are dominated merely in virtue of others' having unconstrained abilities to frustrate their choices. They argue further that public officials may dominate citizens unless subject to popular control. Critics identify a dilemma. To maintain the possibility of popular control, republicans must attribute to the people an ability to control public officials merely in virtue of the possibility that they might coordinate their actions. But if the possibility of coordination suffices for attributing abilities to groups, then, even (...)
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  8. Republican freedom, domination, and ignorability.Anar Jafarov & Ilkin Huseynli - 2022 - Journal of Political Power 16.
    Some argue that republican freedom is impossible because since it is always possible that a person or a group of persons possesses arbitrary power to interfere with individuals, no one is free to do anything. To avoid this challenge, in their recent article, Sean Ingham and Frank Lovett invoke the notion of ignorability in terms of which they offer a moderate interpretation of republican freedom. On their view, B is free from A to φ if A’s (...)
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  9.  87
    (1 other version)Keeping Republican Freedom Simple.Philip Pettit - 2002 - Political Theory 30 (3):339-356.
    There has recently been a good deal of interest in the republican tradition, particularly in the political conception of freedom maintained within that tradition. I look here at the characterisation of republican liberty in a recent work of Quentin Skinner1and argue on historical and conceptual grounds for a small amendment—a simplification—that would make it equivalent to the view that freedom in political contexts should be identified with nondomination.
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  10.  52
    Republican Freedom in the Labour Market: Exploitation Without Interpersonal Domination.Fausto Corvino - 2019 - Theoria 66 (158):103-131.
    In this article, I query whether participation in the labour market can hinder neo-republican freedom as non-domination. I briefly present the view of Philip Pettit on the topic, based on the distinction between offering a reward and threatening a punishment. I compare it to the analysis of labour republicans, recently reconstructed by Alex Gourevitch, according to whom, the exclusion of a group of individuals from the control of productive assets represents a form of structural domination. Then, I explain (...)
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  11. Republican Freedom and Contestatory Democratization.Philip Pettit - 1999 - In Sterling Professor of Political Science and Henry R. Luce Director of the MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies Ian Shapiro, Ian Shapiro, Casiano Hacker-Cordón & Russell Hardin (eds.), Democracy's Value. Cambridge University Press. pp. 163-190.
  12. Preserving Republican Freedom: A Reply to Simpson.Frank Lovett & Philip Pettit - 2018 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 46 (4):363-383.
    Philosophy &Public Affairs, Volume 46, Issue 4, Page 363-383, Fall 2018.
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  13. Republican freedom, social justice, and democracy.Philip Pettit - 2024 - In James Dominic Rooney & Patrick Zoll (eds.), Beyond Classical Liberalism: Freedom and the Good. New York, NY: Routledge Chapman & Hall.
  14.  10
    Republican Freedom and Subjective Legitimacy of Power.Juan José Gómez Gutiérrez - 2020 - Filozofia 75 (6):460-473.
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  15. Political rights, republican freedom, and temporary workers.Alex Sager - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (2):189-211.
    I defend a neo-republican account of the right to have political rights. Neo-republican freedom from domination is a sufficient condition for the extension of political rights not only for permanent residents, but also for temporary residents, unauthorized migrants, and some expatriates. I argue for the advantages of the neo-republican account over the social membership account, the affected-interest account, the stakeholder account, and accounts based on the justification of state coercion.
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  16.  60
    Liberal and Republican Freedom.Boudewijn de Bruin - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (4):418-439.
    This paper argues that liberal freedom (non-interference) is epistemologically prior to republican freedom (non-domination). I start investigate three relations between liberal and republican freedom: (i) Logical Equivalence, or the question whether republican freedom entails liberal freedom (and vice versa); (ii) Degree Supervenience, or whether changes in the degree (amount, quantity) of republican freedom are mirrored by changes in the degree of liberal freedom (and vice versa); and (iii) Epistemological Priority, (...)
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  17. Slaves, Prisoners, and Republican Freedom.Fabian Wendt - 2011 - Res Publica 17 (2):175-192.
    Philip Pettit’s republican conception of freedom is presented as an alternative both to negative and positive conceptions of freedom. The basic idea is to conceptualize freedom as non-domination, not as non-interference or self-mastery. When compared to negative freedom, Pettit’s republican conception comprises two controversial claims: the claim that we are unfree if we are dominated without actual interference, and the claim that we are free if we face interference without domination. Because the slave is (...)
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  18.  60
    Discourse theory and republican freedom.Philip Pettit - 2003 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6 (1):72-95.
    This essay outlines some of the main issues that arise in the theory of freedom and, in particular, those that divide the liberal conception of freedom as non-interference from the republican conception of freedom as non-domination. It goes on to explore the idea that discourse theory provides reasons for favouring the republican conception. Discourse theory is taken for these purposes to be a theory that subsumes, but goes beyond decision theory. It accepts the decision-theoretic view (...)
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  19.  69
    Ending the liberal hegemony: Republican freedom and Amartya Sen's theory of capabilities.John M. Alexander - 2010 - Contemporary Political Theory 9 (1):5-24.
    While being generally appreciative of Sen's theory of capabilities, the point of this paper is to raise some conceptual challenges that arise in addressing entrenched conditions of power and domination from the capability paradigm. The enhancement of people's capability prospects with regard to education, employment, decent living standards and political participation can empower them to challenge various dominating conditions in society. It can also bestow a sense of self-confidence in people to stand up against discriminating practices. Yet, the objectives of (...)
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  20. The Impossibility of Republican Freedom.Thomas W. Simpson - 2017 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 45 (1):27-53.
  21.  51
    Constitutional Indifferentism and Republican Freedom.Lars Vinx - 2010 - Political Theory 38 (6):809-837.
    Neo-Republicans claim that Hobbes’s constitutional indifferentism (the view that we have no profound reason to prefer one constitutional form over another) is driven exclusively by a reductive understanding of liberty as non-interference. This paper argues that constitutional indifferentism is grounded in an analysis of the institutional presuppositions of well-functioning government that does not depend on a conception of liberty as mere non-interference. Hence, indifferentism cannot be refuted simply by pointing out that non-domination is a distinctive ideal of freedom. This (...)
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  22.  57
    Rights as an Expression of Republican Freedom. Spinoza on Right and Power.Susan James - 2016 - In James Susan (ed.).
    In the TTP Spinoza addresses in its full complexity the question of whether a republican theorist, committed to the view that the primary goal of political life is freedom conceived as the absence of slavery or dependence on arbitrary will, has any need for the notion of a right. His answer is designed to draw us away from many of the assumptions that run through the natural law tradition. Rather than accepting that our rights are stable, located in (...)
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  23.  27
    Taylor and Rousseau on Republican Freedom and Political Fragmentation.Andrew Tsz Wan Hung - 2022 - The European Legacy 27 (6):601-616.
    Both Rousseau and Charles Taylor are well-known for their support of positive freedom. However, Taylor criticizes Rousseau’s positive freedom and the general will for inducing the worst form of hom...
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  24. A Radical Revolution in Thought: Frederick Douglass on the Slave’s Perspective on Republican Freedom.Alan M. S. J. Coffee - 2020 - In Bruno Leipold, Karma Nabulsi & Stuart White (eds.), Radical Republicanism: Recovering the Tradition's Popular Heritage. Oxford University Press, Usa. pp. 47-64.
    While the image of the slave as the antithesis of the freeman is central to republican freedom, it is striking to note that slaves themselves have not contributed to how this condition is understood. The result is a one-sided conception of both freedom and slavery, which leaves republicanism unable to provide an equal and robust protection for historically outcast people. I draw on the work of Frederick Douglass – long overlooked as a significant contributor to republican (...)
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  25.  64
    Social justice and the distribution of republican freedom.Jonathan Peterson - 2016 - European Journal of Political Theory (1):147488511668475.
    A republican theory of social justice specifies how republican freedom should be distributed. The goal of this paper is to assess the plausibility of two recently proposed principles of republican social justice: an aggregative maximizing principle defended by Philip Pettit in Republicanism and a sufficiency principle of republican social justice offered by Pettit in On the People’s Terms. The maximizing principle must be rejected because it permits under-protecting vulnerable members of society in favor of increasing (...)
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  26.  39
    Ending the liberal hegemony: Republican freedom and Amartya Sen's theory of capabilities.Diana Coole - 2010 - Contemporary Political Theory 9 (1):5-24.
    While being generally appreciative of Sen's theory of capabilities, the point of this paper is to raise some conceptual challenges that arise in addressing entrenched conditions of power and domination from the capability paradigm. The enhancement of people's capability prospects with regard to education, employment, decent living standards and political participation can empower them to challenge various dominating conditions in society. It can also bestow a sense of self-confidence in people to stand up against discriminating practices. Yet, the objectives of (...)
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  27.  88
    A Note on List's Modal Logic of Republican Freedom.Boudewijn de Bruin - 2008 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 7 (3):341-349.
    In this note, I show how Christian List's modal logic of republican freedom (as published in this journal in 2006) can be extended (1) to grasp the differences between liberal freedom (noninterference) and republican freedom (non-domination) in terms of two purely logical axioms and (2) to cover a more recent definition of republican freedom in terms of `arbitrary interference' that gains popularity in the literature.
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  28.  60
    The Republican Dilemma: Promoting Freedom in a Modern Society.Lars J. K. Moen - 2024 - New York: Oxford University Press.
    Republicans consider freedom as non-domination an attractive political ideal for a modern pluralistic society that cannot be found in liberalism. This book shows how this view is untenable. By analysing freedom as non-domination as it is understood by contemporary republicans, the book rejects the widely held view that this freedom concept is superior to liberal understandings of freedom as non-interference. In fact, setting up institutions to promote non-domination is shown to also promote non-interference. The book demonstrates (...)
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  29.  36
    Should Relational Autonomy Theorists Embrace Republican Freedom Instead? A Commentary on "Nondomination and the Limits of Relational Autonomy" by Danielle M. Wenner.Greg Scherkoske - 2020 - International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 13 (2):56-59.
    There is much to learn from and admire in Danielle Wenner's "Nondomination and the Limits of Relational Autonomy." The core claim Wenner advances is that the very concerns that have motivated feminist relational autonomy theorists would be better pursued by foregoing their concern with autonomy and pursuing instead the political aim of promoting a neorepublican conception of freedom as nondomination. While leaving open the possibility that "autonomy speak may remain valuable in some contexts", Wenner nevertheless claims that "for the (...)
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  30.  27
    Freedom Fit for a Feminist? On the Feminist Potential of Quentin Skinner's Conception of Republican Freedom.Lena Halldenius - 2014 - Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 17 (1):86-103.
    The aim of this paper is to make it credible that there are feminist reasons for being a republican about freedom. In focus is Quentin Skinner’s conception of republican, or “neo-Roman”, freedom. Republican theory in history has not excelled in making poverty, gender hierarchy, and racism within the republic into main sources of concern. So can there be a radical republican theory of liberty fit for a feminist, to make sense of arbitrary power in (...)
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  31.  15
    Rights as an expression of republican freedom.Susan James - unknown
    Event synopsis: The conference becomes a major academic event for republican studies in Russia and a meeting point with the leading European scholars in this field. In recent decades republicanism has become one of the central concerns in political theory and history, with studies exploring both republicanism as ‘a shared European heritage’ and reviving republican political thought to contribute to current debates on issues such as freedom, citizenship, equality, governance and international relations. Republicanism has been the topic (...)
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  32.  6
    Rousseau's constitutionalism: austerity and republican freedom.Eoin Daly - 2017 - Portland, Oregon: Hart Publishing.
    Introduction : Rousseau's austerity and Rousseau's Constitutions -- The constitution of freedom -- The constitution of Autarky -- The constitution of symbol and ritual -- The constitution of deliberation -- The constitution of judgment .
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  33.  36
    Beyond the Liberal Route to Federalism: Republican Freedom.Jean-François Grégoire - 2014 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 61 (138):18-36.
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  34. Two spheres of domination: Republican theory, social norms and the insufficiency of negative freedom.Alan M. S. J. Coffee - 2015 - Contemporary Political Theory 14 (1):45-62.
    Republicans understand freedom as the guaranteed protection against any arbitrary use of coercive power. This freedom is exercised within a political community, and the concept of arbitrariness is defined with reference to the actual ideas of its citizens about what is in their shared interests. According to many current defenders of the republican model, this form of freedom is understood in strictly negative terms representing an absence of domination. I argue that this assumption is misguided. First, (...)
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  35.  12
    Spinoza's “Republican Idea of Freedom”.Michael A. Rosenthal - 2021 - In Yitzhak Y. Melamed (ed.), A Companion to Spinoza. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. pp. 402–409.
    There are two ideas of freedom in Spinoza's work, one stoic, the other republican. The stoic idea is expressed in the themes of individual self‐mastery through knowledge of one's place in the natural order. The republican idea of freedom expresses the necessity and nobility of political engagement in a state that is not fully rational. Spinoza's own theory of republican sovereignty was inspired by Machiavelli and other contemporary Dutch republican thinkers. Though, it originates as (...)
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  36.  57
    The republican ideal of freedom as non-domination and the Rojava experiment: ‘States as they are’ or a new socio-political imagination?David M. Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):419-428.
    This article problematizes the republican reliance on contemporary ‘states as they are’ as protectors and guarantors of the republican notion of freedom as non-domination. While the principle of freedom as non-domination constitutes an advance over the liberal principle of freedom as non-interference, its reliance on the national, territorial, legal-technical and extra-economic contemporary state prevents the theoretical uncovering of its full potential. The article argues that to make the most of the principle of freedom as (...)
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  37.  32
    The republican ideal of freedom as non-domination and the Rojava experiment.Can Cemgil - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):419-428.
    This article problematizes the republican reliance on contemporary ‘states as they are’ as protectors and guarantors of the republican notion of freedom as non-domination. While the principle of freedom as non-domination constitutes an advance over the liberal principle of freedom as non-interference, its reliance on the national, territorial, legal-technical and extra-economic contemporary state prevents the theoretical uncovering of its full potential. The article argues that to make the most of the principle of freedom as (...)
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  38.  61
    Freedom, recognition and non-domination: a republican theory of (global) justice.Fabian Schuppert (ed.) - 2013 - New York: Springer.
    This book offers an original account of a distinctly republican theory of social and global justice. The book starts by exploring the nature and value of Hegelian recognition theory. It shows the importance of that theory for grounding a normative account of free and autonomous agency. It is this normative account of free agency which provides the groundwork for a republican conception of social and global justice, based on the core-ideas of freedom as non-domination and autonomy as (...)
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  39. Inclusivity and Equality: Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion in Republican Society.Alan M. S. J. Coffee - 2008 - Politics in Central Europe 4 (2):26-40.
    Balancing citizens’ freedom thought, conscience and religion with the authority of the law which applies to all citizens alike presents an especial challenge for the governments of European nations with socially diverse and pluralistic populations. I address this problem from within the republican tradition represented by Machiavelli, Harrington and Madison. Republicans have historically focused on public debate as the means to identify a set of shared interests which the law should uphold in the interests of all. Within pluralistic (...)
     
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  40. Liberal and republican conceptions of freedom.Charles Larmore - 2003 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6 (1):96-119.
    Freedom has a number of different senses. One of them is the absence of domination, which neo-republican thinkers have helped us to understand better. This notion of freedom does not, however, provide an alternative to political liberalism, since its proper articulation depends on distinctly liberal principles.
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  41.  34
    (1 other version)Freedom‐Based Arguments for Informed Consent: The Neo‐Republican Alternative.M. Victoria Costa - 2015 - Journal of Social Philosophy 46 (3):357-372.
  42.  30
    Freedom as non-domination, education and the common avowable interests of pupils: A neo-republican critique of the Romanian educational legislation.Adelin-Costin Dumitru - 2018 - South African Journal of Philosophy 37 (1):34-52.
    An important branch of neo-republicanism holds that freedom as non-domination is the supreme ideal that should be pursued in a polity. In this paper I set out to better specify what neo-republicanism has to say about education. I propose a series of reforms that ought to track the common avowable interests of children, focusing on two important dimensions: i) establishing a proper institutional framework through which children can effectively influence decisions that will in turn affect them; and ii) how (...)
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  43. Freedom as Independence.Christian List & Laura Valentini - 2016 - Ethics 126 (4):1043–1074.
    Much recent philosophical work on social freedom focuses on whether freedom should be understood as non-interference, in the liberal tradition associated with Isaiah Berlin, or as non-domination, in the republican tradition revived by Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner. We defend a conception of freedom that lies between these two alternatives: freedom as independence. Like republican freedom, it demands the robust absence of relevant constraints on action. Unlike republican, and like liberal freedom, (...)
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  44.  34
    Freedom with Honor: A Republican Ideal.Philip Pettit - 1997 - Social Research: An International Quarterly 64.
  45.  31
    Building Blocks of a Republican Cosmopolitanism.Lena Halldenius - 2010 - European Journal of Political Theory 9 (1):12-30.
    A structural affinity between republican freedom as non-domination and human rights claims accounts for the relevance of republicanism for cosmopolitan concerns. Central features of republican freedom are its institution dependence and the modal aspect it adds to being free. Its chief concern is not constraint, but the way in which an agent is constrained or not. To the extent I am vulnerable to someone’s dispositional power over me I am not free, even if I am not (...)
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  46. Freedom and its unavoidable trade‐off.Lars J. K. Moen - 2024 - Analytic Philosophy 65 (1):22–36.
    In the debate on how we ought to define political freedom, some definitions are criticized for implying that no one can ever be free to perform any action. In this paper, I show how the possibility of freedom depends on a definition that finds an appropriate balance between absence of interference and protection against interference. To assess the possibility of different conceptions of freedom, I consider the trade-offs they make between these two dimensions. I find that pure (...)
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  47.  50
    (1 other version)Freedom and Political Form: On Philip Pettit’s Republican Theory of Democracy.Roland Axtmann - 2019 - Tandf: Critical Horizons 20 (1):20-39.
  48.  62
    Revising Republican Liberty: What is the Difference Between a Disinterested Gentle Giant and a Deterred Criminal?Nikolas Kirby - 2016 - Res Publica 22 (4):369-386.
    This paper assesses the most well thought out contemporary conception of republican liberty put forward by Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner. I demonstrate that it is incoherent: at least insofar as it seeks to pick out a form of unfreedom not captured by the negative conception of liberty. This incoherence arises because Pettit and Skinner cannot both hold that republican unfreedom is defined by one agent’s mere capacity to interfere arbitrarily with another agent and, at the same time, (...)
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  49. Republicanism and moralised freedom.Lars J. K. Moen - 2023 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 22 (4):423-440.
    A moralised conception of freedom is based on a normative theory. Understanding it therefore requires an analysis of this theory. In this paper, I show how republican freedom as non-domination is moralised, and why analysing this concept therefore involves identifying the basic components of the republican theory of justice. One of these components is the non-moralised pure negative conception of freedom as non-interference. Republicans therefore cannot keep insisting that their freedom concept conflicts with, and (...)
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  50.  16
    Nature Is Republican – Nature and Freedom in Kant and Schelling.Hans Feger - 2024 - Yearbook for Eastern and Western Philosophy 7 (1):43-59.
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