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A Medical Collection Anatomized: The Catalogus bibliothecae Hieremiae Martii (1572)

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Professors, Physicians and Practices in the History of Medicine

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Abstract

This article is an examination of the Augsburg physician Ieremias Martius’s Catalogus bibliothecae of 1572, which may well by the first printed sales catalogue of a library. The author claims it to be the product of careful selection, covering the whole field of medicine and containing both rare and recent medical books. The catalogue is placed here in the context of Martius’s career, and his contacts in the European medical world. An account is given of the bibliographical resources available to him, before the contents themselves are anatomised. His interest in various fields is revealed here: medieval practical medicine, medical humanism, anatomy, Hippocratism, medical observationes and letter collections, gynecology, astrological medicine, balneology, botany, and the literature of medical secrets. Martius’s eclecticism and open-mindedness is revealed further through a comparison of his library with five other contemporary book collections of doctors.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Mandelbrote 2008.

  2. 2.

    There is an example in Belper 2011, 9–21.

  3. 3.

    Siraisi 2007, 2013.

  4. 4.

    ‘Invenies, optime Lector, in hoc catalogo librorum selectissimorum omnis generis copiam, praecipue vero in arte Medica. Inter quos plerique novi et eleganter sunt compacti, nonnulli etiam hodie nullibi extant. Quod te monere volui, ne existimes hanc Bibliothecam absque iudicio a me fuisse collectam. Quanto vero mihi constiterit, is demum optime intelligerit, qui huius rei periculum fecerit.’

  5. 5.

    See Maclean 2009, 372–9.

  6. 6.

    Theophanes 1568, 4v ff. The book contains poems in support of Martius by Achilles Pirmin Gasser and Hieronymus Wolf.

  7. 7.

    These MSS, as well as the MS of Nonnus Theophanes, were in the possession of Anton Fugger; the edition appeared in 1557. Both Martius and Wolf were paid by Fugger for this work: see Lehmann 1956–60, i.31–3, 37. On the Gymnasium of St Anna, see Müller 2010.

  8. 8.

    Rotmar 1571; Liess 1984; Nauck 1956. According to Nauck, there were three professors of medicine in Ingolstadt between 1554 and 1567. The curriculum, which is unusually ambitious (it embraces almost the whole corpus of Galenic and Hippocratic texts, as well as clinical precepting and botanical studies) is dated by Nauck to 1556, but Nutton 1989, 421, has shown convincingly that it was more likely to have been introduced after 1562. See also Nauck 1954, 181, which records 19 matriculations in the medical faculty at Ingolstadt between 1550 and 1560.

  9. 9.

    See Ammonius 1539, dedication, which is translated and commented in Hieronymus 2005.

  10. 10.

    See Bietenholz and Deutscher 1985–7, s.v. Ammonius.

  11. 11.

    Ammonius 1534, 1537.

  12. 12.

    According to Gryll’s editor Adam Landanus; see Gryll 1566, γ1r; but Gryll himself names Johann Vietmüller as his tutor: Oratio, f.2r.

  13. 13.

    Ibid., f. 12r: ‘solidam universae medicinae cognitionem non solum ex libris et privatis cogitationibus, sed etiam multorum excellentium virorum conversatione, peregrinationibus variis, et rerum omnium αύτοψία et crebra inspectione comparari.’

  14. 14.

    Rotmar 1571, 268–276; see also the World Biographical Information System (http://db.saur.de/WBIS) s.v. Boschius, where the various entries in biographical dictionaries disagree about the date of Boschius’s arrival in Ingolstadt.

  15. 15.

    Theophanes 1568, 5r: ‘cum putarem multis de causis mihi non diutius Ingolstadii manendum esse.’

  16. 16.

    Ibid.: ‘suadente ita praeceptore et annuente maecenate.’

  17. 17.

    Ibid. At Montpellier, all students were assigned to a ‘parrain’, that is, one of the four regius professors who undertook to look after the student’s personal and academic needs: see Dulieu 1975–9, ii.71. It is likely that Martius was assigned to Rondelet. See also Gryll, Oratio, f. 6v (Gryll stayed in Rondelet’s house).

  18. 18.

    (1524–81); A protestant member of the Geheimer Rat, and an Oberkirchen- und schulpfleger. See Augsburger Stadtlexikon 2009; Burmeister 1970, i.167.

  19. 19.

    Theophanes 1568, 5v: the most relevant names are Fracanzanus, Fallopius, Landus, Capivaccius, Salvianus, and Eustachius. It is interesting to note that he did not possess the important ichthyological and anatomical works of the last two named authors.

  20. 20.

    On Gasser and his relationship with Martius, see Burmeister 1970, i.193–4, 154–5.

  21. 21.

    Ibid. Gasser was also in contact with the botanist Hieronymus Bock, (ibid, i.51), whose works Martius possessed. Another of his friends was Giulio Alexandrino (ibid., i.185), who wrote against one of Martius’s favoured modern physicians, Giovanni Argenterio (the Antargenterica pro Galeno of 1552).

  22. 22.

    Ibid., 146–152.

  23. 23.

    It appears to be protected by Rihel’s imperial privilege ‘cum gratia et privilegio Caesareo ad annos octo’, which was accorded to him for publications he himself financed, although the Nonnius is not mentioned in the list submitted on 30 March 1568: see Die kaiserlichen Druckprivilegien im Haus- Hof- und Staatsarchiv Wien 2008, 443 (59.17). There exists, however, a 1559 draft of an eight-year privilege which seems to have been used to protect Rihel’s editions of Johannes Sturm and Philippe de Comines in 1566, and which may have been used again for the Nonnus edition (ibid., 442 [59.11]).

  24. 24.

    See Mandelbrote 2008, 300–1.

  25. 25.

    Gessner 1549, titlepage, ‘ad lectorem’: ‘[…] medicinales etiam partitiones quae solae restant, alias seorsim, si Deus annuerit, locupletissimas edituri.’

  26. 26.

    Lehmann 1956–60, ii.341, 344, 552.

  27. 27.

    In Autumn 1572, the heading reads ‘medici et chemici libri’.

  28. 28.

    For medical books alone, the statistics of Martius’s purchases at the Fair are the following: Autumn 1564: 6; Spring 1565: 12; Autumn 1565: 5; Autumn 1566: 5; Autumn 1567: 5; Spring 1568: 7; Autumn 1568:2; Spring 1569: 5; Autumn 1569: 2; Spring 1570: 1; Autumn 1570: 4; Spring 1571:7; Autumn 1571: 7; Spring 1572: 9; Autumn 1572: 3. Another available bibliography, this time of ancient writers on medicine, was Neander 1565: see Maclean 2009, 62–3n.

  29. 29.

    See Richter 1974, 183–229; Engelsing 1969; Wittmann 1984.

  30. 30.

    Bylebyl 1991; Maclean 2001, 68–9.

  31. 31.

    Gallus (Paschal Le Coq) 1590; Spachius 1591; Schenckius 1609; Antonides van der Linden 1637.

  32. 32.

    See Maclean 2008; Siraisi 2013. He also possessed eight other letter collections, mainly by humanists (Guillaume Budé, Johannes Reuchlin, Paulus Manutius, Etienne Dolet, Christophe Longueil, Bartolomeo Ricci).

  33. 33.

    See Siraisi 1987.

  34. 34.

    Brunfels 1533, *5v–6r; see also Maclean 2009, 93–7.

  35. 35.

    There are two broad groups of medieval writers in this field, separated by the year 1400: the earlier group includes the twelfth-century Salernitan doctor Nicolaus Praepositus, Gilbert the Englishman (fl. 1250), Dino del Garbo (d. 1280), Taddeo Alderotti (1223–1303), Arnau de Vilanova (1238?–1311), Bernard of Gordon (1283–1320), Niccolò Bertrucci (d. 1347), Gentile da Foligno (d. 1348), Pietro Torrigiano (1270–1350), Marsilio de Santasofia (d. 1405), Tommaso del Garbo (d. 1370), John of Gaddesden (1280?–1361), Jean de Tournemire (1329–1396), and Jacopo da Forlì (d. 1413). Of these, only the last three are not represented in Martius’s catalogue. The second group all belong to the fifteenth-century, and are predominantly Italians: Ugo Benzi (1376–1448), Antonio Guainerio (d. 1440), Bartolommeo de Montagnana (d. 1460), Michele Savonarola (d. 1461), Giovanni Arcolani (c. 1390–1458), Gianmatteo Ferrari de Gradi (d. 1472), and Marco Gatinaria (d. 1496); of these, only Ugo Benzi is missing from the catalogue.

  36. 36.

    See Arrizabalaga et al. 1997.

  37. 37.

    See Pagel 1958, 24–5; Stein 2008, 128–144; 2006; and 2009.

  38. 38.

    On the debates about phlebotomy, see Saunders and O’Malley 1948.

  39. 39.

    See Cunningham 1997; Kellett 1961.

  40. 40.

    See Lonie 1985; and Nutton 1989.

  41. 41.

    See Sherrington 1946; Siraisi 1990, 1997.

  42. 42.

    The more radical work is Pereira 1558.

  43. 43.

    Altomare 1574, *2r: ‘[hoc opus] si qui pertinacia adducti aut malevolentia potius suffusi audeant contradicere sciant non mihi sed Galeno se contradicturos, quocum errasse malo, quam ad aliorum mentem recte sapere’; for the use of this topos, see Maclean 2001, 192n.

  44. 44.

    See Pomata 2010.

  45. 45.

    Gryll, Oratio, f. 5v.

  46. 46.

    See Eamon 1996, 194–233.

  47. 47.

    According to Jöcher 1750–1, iv.892 (quoted by Durling 1961, 237), 800 copies were sold in a single day; but Zedler, Universallexikon, s.v. Struthius, (which may be Jöcher’s source) gives the number as 80.

  48. 48.

    Burmeister 1970, i.57–61.

  49. 49.

    On Bodier, see Maclean 2001, 198n.

  50. 50.

    Malgaigne 1861, cxi–xx, names Galeatus de Santa Sofia, Guiainerio, Savonarola, Arculani, Montagnana, Matteo de Gradi, and Gatenaria as significant figures before Paré.

  51. 51.

    Burmeister 1970, i.54.

  52. 52.

    Cf. the title of the 1564 French translation of Alessio Piemontese (Girolamo Ruscelli): Empirie, ou les secrets d’Alexis. See Eamon 1996, 986–104, 168–93.

  53. 53.

    By the time of his translation, Martius could have learnt from Andrea Marcolini, the editor of another Falloppio book in his possession, the De medicatis aquis of 1564, that the secrets text was not the work of Falloppio, but he makes no reference to this fact.

  54. 54.

    Plantin-Moretus Museum, Antwerp, Archives, 962ff. (Cahiers de Francfort). Willer is often the first and largest entry.

  55. 55.

    The evidence for this is ex nihilo: see Fabian 1972–2001.

  56. 56.

    See Maclean 2009, 386, 390–6.

  57. 57.

    See Eamon, 96–102; and Maclean 2006, 73–4.

  58. 58.

    Lehmann, Fuggerbibliotheken, ii.149–453.

  59. 59.

    Some of these books are presumably the ones he refers to as ‘eleganter compacti’; a serious accumulator of books – even a rich magnate such as Duke Julius of Braunschweig – usually looked on fine bindings as otiose and unnecessarily expensive, and it is reasonable to suppose that Martius would have adopted the same attitude towards the unbound purchases he made. See Graefe 1989.

  60. 60.

    Burmeister 1970, i.53–61, 121–9.

  61. 61.

    Ibid., i.122.

  62. 62.

    Stevenson 2010; Mazzini 1953.

  63. 63.

    Burmeister 1970, i.54–6.

  64. 64.

    These annotations are transcribed in Stevenson and Mazzini.

  65. 65.

    See Kolb 1976.

  66. 66.

    Hillebrand 1966: s.v. Peucer.

  67. 67.

    See Agasse 2002–3.

  68. 68.

    See Sayle 1921. Lorkyn’s books can be identified from books still in Cambridge University Library; Mercuriale’s catalogue gives the place and date of publication in nearly all cases.

  69. 69.

    On the poor exposure of English books in Europe, see Maclean 2009, 291–351.

  70. 70.

    Arrizabalaga 1998, 36.

  71. 71.

    Petrucci 1969, 297–8.

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    Ian Maclean

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Maclean, I. (2017). A Medical Collection Anatomized: The Catalogus bibliothecae Hieremiae Martii (1572). In: Manning, G., Klestinec, C. (eds) Professors, Physicians and Practices in the History of Medicine. Archimedes, vol 50. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56514-9_8

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