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Law of Denial

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Abstract

Law’s claim of mastery over past political violence is frequently undermined by reversals of that relationship of mastery, so that the violence of the law, and especially its symbolic violence, becomes easily incorporated into longues durées of political violence, rather than mastering them, settling them, or providing closure. Doing justice to the past, therefore, requires a political and theoretical attunement to the ways in which law, in purportedly attempting to address past political violence, inscribes itself into contemporary contexts of violence. While this may be limited to an analysis of how law is an effect of and affects the political, theoretically this attunement can be further refined by means of a critique of dynamics that are internal to law itself and that have to do with how law understands its own historicity, as well as its relationship to history and historiography. This article aims to pursue such a critique, taking as its immediate focus the ECHR case of Perinçek v Switzerland, with occasional forays into debates around the criminalisation of Armenian genocide denialism in France. The Perinçek case concerned Switzerland’s criminalisation of the denial of the Armenian genocide, and concluded in 2015 after producing two judgments, first by the Second Chamber, and then by the Grand Chamber of the ECHR. However, although they both found for the applicant, the two benches had very different lines of reasoning, and notably different conceptions regarding the relationship between law and history. I proceed by tracing the shifting status of ‘history’ and ‘historians’ in these two judgments, and paying attention to the deferrals, disclaimers and ellipses that structure law’s relation to history. This close reading offers the opportunity for a critical reappraisal of the relationship between law, denial and violence: I propose that the symbolic violence of the law operative in memory laws is a product of that which remains unresolved in law’s understanding of historicity (including its own), its self-understanding vis-à-vis the task of historiography, and its inability to respond to historical violence without inscribing itself into a history of violence, a process regarding which it remains in denial.

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Notes

  1. In the end, the French draft bill did not come into force because a political decision prevented it from appearing on the Senate’s agenda. Later, in 2011, a draft bill criminalising the denial of genocides ‘recognised by law’ (including the Armenian genocide, officially recognised in France in 2001, with law no. 2001-70) was passed by both the French National Assembly and the Senate, but overturned by the Constitutional Council in February 2012 (decision no. 2012-647). This was repeated more recently with a draft bill, specifically criminalising the denial of the Armenian Genocide, passed in 2016 and overruled by the Constitutional Council in January 2017 (decision no. 2016-745).

  2. At the time of writing, the Hrant Dink murder trial is ongoing with 85 suspects including senior officials of the Turkish gendarmerie and police.

  3. The political limitations and functions of free speech absolutism have been highlighted in recent high-profile debates, for example, by Mamdani (2006) in the aftermath of the Danish cartoon crisis, and El-Enany and Keenan (2015) following the Charlie Hebdo killings.

  4. Dink articulated this in numerous interviews at the time. See also, a letter to the French daily Liberation that he co-signed with eight others, published one week before the draft bill was due to be debated in the National Assembly: ‘Le travail sur l’histoire sera bloqué en Turquie’, Liberation, 10 May 2006, p. 35.

  5. At the time, Archbishop Mesrob II Mutafyan, the Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople, stated that ‘As Turkish Armenians we feel serious pressure in relation to this bill’ and called for increased state security to protect churches and minority schools (Hürriyet2016).

  6. See, for example, Hennebel and Hochmann (2011), Löytömäki (2014), Belavusau and Gliszczyńska-Grabias (2017) and Fronza (2018).

  7. EU Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA of 28 November 2008.

  8. Hereafter, for sake of clarity, in-text citations of the two judgments will specify ‘(Perinçek2013)’ for the Chamber judgment, and ‘(Perinçek2015 [GC])’ for the Grand Chamber judgment.

  9. While some commentators identify this shift as a full about-turn (e.g. Zileli 2015) others trace the party’s currently amplified strands of ultranationalism, militarism, Kemalism and statism to its conception of the political in its earlier guises (Birikim 1997; Aydın 1998). See also Polat (2014) for a discussion of Perinçek’s contemporary political position as neo-conservative, neo-nationalist and neo-Eurasianist.

  10. See Ertür (2016), where I explore the bizarre ironies of the Ergenekon process.

  11. See Detailed Judgment in the Ergenekon Case. Perinçek and other Ergenekon defendants’ convictions were overturned by the Court of Appeal in April 2016 due to its finding of a host of procedural irregularities, and a retrial was ordered, which began in June 2017 and is ongoing at the time of writing.

  12. The focus of this article, namely, the contemporary entanglements of law and denial, preclude a wider review of the different arguments and strategies historically employed in the service of denying the Armenian genocide. This is the subject of numerous careful studies published over the last few decades, notably by Hovannisian (1984, 1998) and Charny (1991), and more recently a monumental undertaking by Göçek (2015) who traces patterns of collective denial across hundreds of Turkish memoirs.

  13. Although see Hovannisian (1998) for numerous commonalities between Holocaust denialism and Armenian genocide denialism.

  14. Under ‘Count 3: War crimes’: ‘[The defendants] conducted deliberate and systematic genocide, viz., the extermination of racial and national groups, against the civilian populations of certain occupied territories in order to destroy particular races and classes of people and national, racial, or religious groups, particularly Jews, Poles, and Gypsies and others.’ (IMT Indictment, VIII A).

  15. For the idiosyncratic legal history of ‘genocide’ bound up as it was with the tenacious efforts of Raphael Lemkin, see Earl (2013) and Sands (2016).

  16. Geoffrey Robertson QC, representing Armenia, made this point in the Grand Chamber hearing (Perinçek, Webcast of GC Hearing).

  17. For example, historian Taner Akçam (2012) draws on a variety of sources in his attempt to prove intent, including testimonies given in the Ottoman Courts-Martial of 1919–2020 which sentenced Talât and others to death for organising the massacres of Armenians, reports of Talât’s discussions with foreign diplomats, and cables sent by Talât in his capacity as Interior Minister. See also Dadrian and Akçam (2011) for an extended discussion of the Ottoman Courts-Martial, including English translations of the key remaining documents of this process.

  18. Although, for an exception, see Fatallayev v Azerbaijan (2010).

  19. The cited article by Laurent Pech provides a comprehensive review of criminalisation of Holocaust denial in Europe, and offers a critical take on the EU Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA of 28 November 2008, which calls for each member state to ensure that ‘publicly condoning, denying or grossly trivialising crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes’ is punishable. Pech had the opportunity to test some of his analyses and arguments as Perinçek’s counsel in the ECtHR Grand Chamber hearing on 28 January 2015, see Perinçek, Webcast of GC Hearing.

  20. Compare this to infamous Holocaust denier Faurisson, whose language ‘is that of the positivist; he is endlessly calling for the opening of archives and the engagement of debate’ (Mehlman 1992, p. 19).

  21. Compare, again, to Faurisson, who Pierre Vidal-Naquet famously identified as a ‘paper Eichmann’: ‘Eichmann crossed Europe to organize the train transport system. Faurisson does not have trains at his disposal, but paper. P. Guillaume describes him for us: “a man thoroughly in possession of his subject (200 kg of working documents, representing research on several tons of texts)” (Vérité, p. 139)’ (Vidal-Naquet 1992, p. 24).

  22. In freedom of expression cases at the ECtHR, the profession of the applicant is taken into account, and for good reason (see discussion in Hennebel and Hochmann 2011, pp. 28–29). Yet the emphasis on Perinçek’s 50-year-old doctoral qualification when his subsequent career has had nothing to do with legal practice or scholarship is conspicuous.

  23. See Fraser (2011, pp. 21–22) for an argument in favour of such self-referentiality in memory laws.

  24. Surprising given his own (Pech 2011) questioning of the soundness of ECtHR’s notion of ‘clearly established historical facts’.

  25. The ultimate wisdom and desirability of this formulation around the woundedness of an identity can of course be questioned (cf. Brown 1995).

  26. See, however, Kahn (2017) for an important and insightful set of objections to the ‘nexus argument’ mobilised in the Perinçek case, whereby a nexus is required between the state enacting the ban on denial and the historical act being denied.

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Ertür, B. Law of Denial. Law Critique 30, 1–20 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10978-019-09237-8

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