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Science, Politics/Policy and the Cold War in Argentina: From Concepts to Institutional Models in the 1950s and ’60s

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Abstract

This paper analyses how the Cold War influenced the discourses on basic research and on Science and Technology Policies (STPs) of some leaders of the Argentine research community. It explores two key intersections to study the Cold War: the first between politics and policies; the second between the global and the regional/national. The basic assumption is that, just as there was no one Cold War, specific regional and national traits lent specific meanings to basic research. In dialogue with the literature on Latin American history of STPs, on Cold War and on the conceptual history of science, the paper identifies three discursive configurations around S&T: the first refers to the semi-peripheral scientific context; the second is associated with the ‘democracy-totalitarianism’ dichotomy, and the third is linked to the ‘development-dependence’ dichotomy. Finally, the paper also traces some connections between these discourses and the institutional models proposed by different key actors of the research community to implement STPs.

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Notes

  1. According to Edgerton (2004), a standard definition could be: ‘[…] “basic” or “fundamental,” “pure” or “undirected” scientific research is the main source of technical innovation; the process of innovation is a sequential one, by which discoveries arising in such research are developed in a sequence through applied research, development and so on, to production. Overall, the innovation produced is the main source of economic growth’ (Edgerton 2004: 2).

  2. They provide many explanations for this: the lack of industrial demand, the delegation of the task on the research community by the political leaders, the contradictions between ‘explicit’ and ‘implicit’ policies (Herrera 1973) or the insensitivity of the research community to the socioeconomic demands.

  3. Mateos and Suárez Díaz (2012) warn that, compared with case studies on developed countries and more recently with studies on countries like China, India and South Africa, the history of Cold War science in Latin America has been in short supply and disconnected from the debates in the international community of science historians.

  4. A triggering text in the STS field was probably a paper by Otto Mayr (1976), where he pointed out that the concepts of ‘science’ and ‘technology’, like the values accorded to them and the ideal relationship established between the two terms, are historically and geographically located. For example, for the Cold War period, Kleinman and Solovey (1995) have shown how the same social actor or institution, the National Science Foundation (NSF), at the same historical moment (the 1950s) resorts to contradictory rhetorical repertoires – the apolitical nature of basic science, on the one hand, and its potential to fight communism, on the other – in order to defend its interests against various situations or actors.

  5. For example, Solovey (2001: 168) points out that ‘political struggles on both sides of the Iron Curtain helped to shape what did and did not count as legitimate science’.

  6. Among Latin American countries there are significant differences in size, availability of natural resources, economic diversification, industrialisation level, social development and scientific tradition. Compared to other countries in the region, at the end of the Second World War, Argentina had a relatively diversified and industrialised economy, a high income per capita, high levels of alphabetisation and an important scientific tradition in some disciplines like physiology (Thorp 1998). For that reason, I prefer the term ‘semi-peripheral’ to ‘peripheral’.

  7. In her work on science studies during the Cold War, Aronova (2012: 307) points out that the years prior to the formalisation of STP studies were when ‘the issues of science politics appeared inseparable from those of science policy, science organisation, and science governance’.

  8. On this concept, see also Pielke (2012).

  9. Regarding this topic, Godin points out that the dichotomy between ‘pure’ and ‘applied science’, that can be traced back to the 19th century, ‘was a rhetorical resource used by scientists, engineers and industrialists for defining, demarking and controlling their profession (excluding amateurs), for financial support (to scientists), for rising the status of a discipline (as engineers did), and for attracting scientists (as industrialists did). It was also a rhetoric, particularly present in Great Britain that referred to the ideal of the freedom of science from interference from the State, with an eye to the counter-reference and negative experiences in Nazi Germany and to some extent in the Soviet Union’ (Godin 2009: 29–30).

  10. Between 1915 and 1919, Houssay worked full-time in the non-university Institute of Bacteriology, run by the Austrian Rudolf Kraus. In 1919, he was appointed to the chair of physiology at the Medical Faculty (UBA), where he set up the Institute of Physiology and sent students of his to the United States with financial support from the Rockefeller Foundation. In the 1930s, he embarked on a strategy of provincial diversification by installing two students of his in the universities of Rosario and Córdoba (Cueto 1994a; Buch 2006).

  11. On the history of the concepts ‘technique’ and ‘technology’, see Schatzberg (2006) and Salomon (1984). On the construction of technology as applied science, see Kline (1995).

  12. Several studies have shown different aspects of the changes in research practices after the Second World War. Rabkin (1987), Morris and Travis (2013), Brenni (2013) and others, for instance, refer to the use (and production) of new instruments. Other authors termed this process the emergence of ‘big science’ (Price 1963; Galison and Hevly 1992).

  13. One of the studies that marked the today extensive literature on the CCF is Stonor Saunders (1999). For a recent historiographical review, see Scott-Smith and Lerg (2017). The CCF in Latin America is dealt with in Iber (2015) and Glondys (2018).

  14. Edward Shils later became founding editor of Minerva. On the CCF’s involvement in science and science policy journals, see Aronova (2012) and Wolfe (2017).

  15. In 1944, after his dismissal, Houssay created a private institute, the Institute of Biology and Experimental Medicine, supported by the Argentinian Sauberán Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation. Other private biomedical research institutes (the Centre for Cardiological Research and the Campomar Foundation) were set up in those years in response to the difficult situation in universities. At the same time, many opposing intellectuals, professionals and scientists actively participated in cultural forums like the Colegio Libre de Estudios Superiores that were outside official institutions (Neiburg 1988).

  16. After Germany’s defeat in the Second World War, members of the Argentinian Armed Forces worked abroad to recruit German engineers, scientists and technicians. As part of that operation, Kurt Tank, chief designer and director of the Focke-Wulf factory between 1933 and 1945, arrived in Argentina in 1947 and became the leader of Perón’s flagship technological project: the fighter jet known as Pulqui II. It was Tank who recommended hiring Richter (Artopoulos 2012).

  17. Richter arrived in Argentina in 1948 and seduced Perón with the idea of developing an innovative, experimental method (thermonuclear fusion reactions) to obtain unlimited low-cost energy. With strong government support, the physicist installed himself on Huemul Island, in Bariloche, where laboratories were built and experiments conducted under the strictest secrecy. In 1952, the government set up a technical oversight commission, whose reports were unfavourable and led to the project’s closure (Mariscotti 1985: 225).

  18. In 1952, the same year as the closure of the Huemul Project, the government redefined the goals of the Aerotechnic Institute, where Tank had developed the Pulqui II, transforming it into an aeronautical and automotive complex. Artopoulos (2012) explains that this reorientation was part of a broader change in economic policy, based on the diminished prospects of a new world war and on the decision to focus on the development of capital goods (machinery and vehicles) and industrial inputs (steel, aluminium and chemical products).

  19. For an in-depth analysis of this journal, see Hurtado de Mendoza and Busala (2002a).

  20. The article appeared in 1949 in Nature and in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientist.

  21. On this project, see Hurtado de Mendoza and Busala (2002b).

  22. The literature on the University Reform is quite abundant. There is a good summary and bibliographical revision in Buchbinder (2005).

  23. The idea that developed countries’ university models could not be transferred uncritically to the local context in Argentina can be seen in Frondizi (1957) and García (1966).

  24. As a member of the Communist Party, Giudici had also been one of the local spokespersons for the World Peace Council, the Soviet front organisation (equivalent to the CCF) set up in 1949 (Petra 2013). On the World Peace Council in Latin America, see Iber (2015).

  25. The policy also involved a political turn in cultural diplomacy. Patterson explained to the Ford Foundation’s experts that ‘considering the nationalistic feeling within the University of Buenos Aires, it is important to enlist the University’s participation in Point Four assistance’ (Wolf et al. 1959: 2). In the same vein, Glondys (2018) shows that, between 1961 and 1964, there was an operation to dismiss local CCF representatives in Latin America, as a result of the new cultural diplomacy strategy of ‘Opening to the Left’ after the Cuban Revolution.

  26. Indeed, Ford Foundation experts referred to the Point Four Program in Argentinian universities as a ‘short-term program designed to produce results within a few years’ (Wolf et al. 1959: 1). Cueto’s (1994b) study on the role of the Rockefeller Foundation in Latin America during the first half of the 20th century showed that the purpose of ‘exporting’ the US university model was not new. But the beginning of the so-called ‘golden age’ of US assistance to universities altered the scope of the effort, involving not only foundations, but bi- and multilateral agencies (like the USAID and the IDB) (Levy 2005).

  27. A report by one Ford Foundation expert stated that ‘In supporting science in Argentina, the Ford Foundation would be lending its weight to strengthening the rational, liberal forces in the country’ (Notes on visit to Buenos Aires 1960: 58). On the relation between Ford Foundation support to basic research and the diffusion of liberal values in Europe, see Krige (1999).

  28. This opposition between the ‘local development of scientific research’ and the ‘application of foreign science and technology’ also features in a speech by Rolando García (1963).

  29. On the subject of Latin American thought on science, technology and development, see Feld (2015, chapter 3). For a recent revision of the STS field in Latin America, see Kreimer and Vessuri (2017).

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  1. National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET), STS Centre (Maimonides University), Buenos Aires, Argentina

    Adriana Feld

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Feld, A. Science, Politics/Policy and the Cold War in Argentina: From Concepts to Institutional Models in the 1950s and ’60s. Minerva 57, 523–547 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11024-019-09379-0

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