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The West Divided? A Snapshot of Human Rights and Transatlantic Relations at the United Nations

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Abstract

Based mostly on extensive interviews with diplomats and human rights activists, this article questions the claim advanced by the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas that current transatlantic relations can be described in terms of a “Divided West.” We examine the scope and depth of shared understandings between key actors in the United States, Germany, and Canada with regard to the definition, monitoring, and implementation of international human rights and to the reform of human rights-related mechanisms within the broader context of current UN reforms. While we do find differences between US, German, and Canadian perspectives, we argue that the meaning attributed to these differences by diplomats and nongovernmental organizations does not justify the polarizing discourse of the Divided West. In addition, we argue that this discourse tends to obfuscate other important trends in the human rights world such as the growing assertiveness of non-Western powers.

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Notes

  1. Habermas (2006).

  2. See Haumann and Petersen (2004). On the more positive Canadian attitudes toward the US, see Jedwab (2007).

  3. See Markovits (2007).

  4. In this article, we use the terms such as “the West” or “Western” countries as convenient labels without implying any intrinsic relationship between the West and human rights. Unlike some participants in the debate about the Divided West, we are well aware that, not a very long time ago, the normative consensus of Western civilization coalesced around slavery, colonialism, and racism, not around human rights.

  5. For an analysis of the mixed results of this process, see Smith (2006).

  6. See Voting Practices in the United Nations (2007).

  7. The transatlantic differences regarding Israel and Palestine must not be exaggerated. While it is true that Europeans sponsored, for example, a number of resolutions at the Commission expressing concern about the expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, they have not done so since the establishment of the Council. Also, they have most of the time voted (with Canada) against resolutions introduced by the Arab League and others in special sessions of the same Council. These resolutions regularly condemn Israel's alleged human rights abuses in the occupied territories and are rejected by the EU (most of the time) and by Canada (always) as unbalanced and one-sided (the US has not been sitting on Council since its inauguration in 2006). For an ongoing analysis, see “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC,” UN Watch, Geneva, available at http://www.unwatch.org.

  8. See, e.g., the Report from the Third Survey of the 2020 Global Stakeholder Panel (2005).

  9. See, e.g., Ghanea (2006).

  10. Within the EU, the Scandinavian member states were more active than Germany, while countries like Spain and Italy came third, according to an assessment of a human rights expert in Berlin. Others have disputed this ranking by pointing out that Germany, in particular, was a strong advocate of the UPR.

  11. Statement by Secretary-General Kofi Annan, UN press release, April 7, 1999.

  12. See Diehl (2008).

  13. See, e.g., the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in Geneva Press Release (2007).

  14. “Islam will not be crucified in this Council,” is a famous recent exclamation. See UN Ruling (2008).

  15. For details, see Smith (2006), pp. 119, 132.

  16. Gowan and Brantner (2008). One diplomat explicitly referred to this study as missing the very meaning of the European project.

  17. For an attempt at theorizing this kind of implicit knowledge, see Pouliot (2008).

  18. “Question of detainees in the area of the United States naval base of Guantanamo” (E/CN.4/2005/L.094).

  19. “Rights of persons held in the custody of the United States in Afghanistan or Guantanamo Bay,” Resolution 1340 (2003), Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.

  20. “Situation of Human Rights in Uzbekistan” (A/C.3/61/L.39).

  21. “Moratorium on the use of the death penalty” (A/C.3/63/l.19/Rev.1).

  22. “Human rights and access to safe drinking water and sanitation” (A/HRC/RES/7/22).

  23. See Malici (2006).

  24. See article 6, paragraph 2 of the ICCPR (1989).

  25. The secretary-general of the Council of Europe, Terry Davies, has called Canada and, by implication, Europe far more “civilized” than the US because of their rejection of the death penalty (which Canada has recently somewhat diluted). See the quote in O'Neil (2007).

  26. See Smith (2006), p. 126.

  27. See, e.g., Canada and the United Nations Human Rights Council: At the Crossroads (2007), p. 51.

  28. See Smith (2007).

  29. See, e.g., Edwards (2008).

  30. For more on this relationship, see Heins (2008).

  31. See, for example, the defense of the Canadian idea of “bridge building” by the prominent Canadian Amnesty International activist Alex Neve in Canada and the United Nations Human Rights Council: At the Crossroads (2007), p. 51.

  32. See Viljoen (2004).

  33. We are paraphrasing from Zupančič (2008).

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Correspondence to Volker Heins or Aditya Badami.

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This article is based on the findings from a research project funded by the Stiftung Deutsch–Amerikanische Wissenschaftsbeziehungen (SDAW/Foundation German–American Academic Relations). An earlier version was presented at the International Studies Association (ISA) Annual Convention in New York in February 2009. We thank Klaus Günther for his general support as well as Bethany Barratt, Tristan Borer, and René Provost for their critical comments.

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Heins, V., Badami, A. & Markovits, A.S. The West Divided? A Snapshot of Human Rights and Transatlantic Relations at the United Nations. Hum Rights Rev 11, 1–16 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-009-0133-3

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