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The Dutch Homo-Emancipation Policy and its Silencing Effects on Queer Muslims

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‘It is impossible to be emancipated if you cannot be yourself in public’ (OCW 2007:18).

Abstract

The recent Dutch homo-emancipation policy has identified religious communities, particularly within migrant populations, as a core target group in which to make homosexuality more ‘speakable’. In this article we examine the paradoxical silencing tendencies of this ‘speaking out’ policy on queer Muslim organisations in the Netherlands. We undertake this analysis as the Dutch government is perhaps unique in developing an explicit ‘homo-emancipation’ policy and is often looked to as the model for sexuality politics and legal redress in relation to inequalities on the basis of sexual orientation. We highlight how the ‘speakability’ imperative in the Dutch homo-emancipation policy reproduces a paradigmatic, ‘homonormative’ model of an ‘out’ and ‘visible’ queer sexuality that has also come to be embedded in an anti-immigrant and specifically anti-Muslim discourse in the Netherlands. Drawing on the concept of habitus, particularly in the work of Gloria Wekker, we suggest that rather than relying on a ‘speakability’ policy model, queer Muslim sexualities need to be understood in a more nuanced and intersecting way that attends to their lived realities.

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Notes

  1. Ministerie voor Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschap (OCW).

  2. We have translated the Dutch term gewoon as ‘just’, in the sense of simply or ordinary, but the term also refers to being ‘normal’. All translations from Dutch have been undertaken by co-author Anisa de Jong.

  3. It is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss the problematics of some of the terminology used in the policy, such as the notion of emancipation. With regards to the terms homo and homosexuals, the policy explains that these terms are intended to refer to lesbian women, gay men, bisexuals and transgender people (OCW 2007, p. 5). A later progress report (2010, discussed below) introduces the term LHBT (lesbisch, homo, biseksueel en transgender) in line with the more common internationally used lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT). Therefore, where appropriate we will translate the term homosexual in the policy document with the term LGBT.

  4. The term bespreekbaar literally translates as ‘speakable’ but is usually translated in English as negotiable, debatable or discussable. The term can be used to refer to a public speaking out, an ability to communicate or engage in dialogue with others and a willingness to negotiate or come to an agreement.

  5. The other four operational goals are: to address violence and intimidation; to stimulate national and local alliances; to contribute to a gay-friendly environment at school, in the workplace and in sports, and to play an active international and European role (2007, pp. 13–14).

  6. Both authors were co-founders of the Safra Project. From 2001 to 2005 Suhraiya Jivraj was co-ordinator of the organisation and Anisa de Jong was the Asylum co-ordinator. For more information see www.safraproject.org, accessed 10 November 2010. We also wish to thank Tamsila Tauqir, co-founder and current director of the Safra Project for her comments on this paper. We would also like to thank the referees and editors for their insightful comments. All errors are our own.

  7. A prime example is Dutch policy allowing same-sex marriage and adoption by same-sex couples.

  8. We recognise there are significant historical, cultural, structural and other differences among Western European countries with regards to their relationships with their Muslim populations, but suggest there are sufficient similarities for the silencing tendencies that we identify to be relevant across national contexts.

  9. For a more detailed account of homonormativity see Duggan’s work (2002). See also El Tayeb (2011) on how the homonormative model comes to be part of a neo-liberal economic agenda. Rahman (2010) provides a summary of critiques of homonormativity within queer theory.

  10. Two white gay men are depicted on the front cover of the policy document, presumably indicative of the emancipated gay subject. This can be juxtaposed with other images depicting brown ‘ethnic’ faces as closeted and un-emancipated, for example on the advertising postcard for the ‘speakability’ campaign which has a brown face covered by a hand with only the eyes showing. A discussion of the visual representations of gayness in the Dutch context is beyond the scope of this paper.

  11. Puar’s critique of this distinction goes beyond a critique of orientalist thinking in Said’s (1979) work, in that she specifically points out how this discourse circulates in ways that effectively associate the West with sexual freedom, whereas Islam comes to circulate as a culture that is oppressive of sexual freedom. See also Mepschen et al. (2010).

  12. This orientalist and homonationalist discourse has been discussed in relation to a number of other contexts such as gay refugees (Long 2009; de Jong 2008) and gay activism in Germany (Haritaworn et al. 2008, 2011). See also, Asad (2006), Brown (2006), Mahmood (2009) and Razack (2008) for analyses of nationalist and state discourse on Muslims as a threat to modern ‘Western’ values.

  13. Timeline by the International Homo/Lesbian Information Centre and Archive, available: http://www.ihlia.nl/dutch/algemeen/Tijdbalk accessed 10 November 2010. Although we acknowledge the terminology of ‘progress’ through ‘waves’ is problematic, our text reflects its usage in the Just being gay policy (OCW 2007, p. 11).

  14. Perhaps another key point that Wekker does not sufficiently address in her lecture is the complexity of the underlying issues, such as reactions against racism, exclusion and violence, material inequality and a widespread anxiety felt and experienced by many different groups within society, as well as the exploitation of these sentiments by right wing politicians such as Fortuyn and Wilders. Thanks to Peter Dankmeijer for this critical observation of the lecture. See for example the work of EduDivers, a Dutch Expertise Centre on Education and Sexual Diversity, http://edudivers.nl/english, accessed 10 November 2010.

  15. For critiques of the Dutch citizenship test (inburgeringstest) that requires a particular kind of homo-tolerance to be displayed see Bracke (2011) and Butler (2009, p. 130).

  16. The document uses the term levensbeschouwelijk, which literally refers to ‘that which concerns a view on life’; in other words, it refers to a positioning with regards to the meaning, value of, and moral guidance in, life. The term includes religious and non-religious views, and is broader than the term philosophy which is mainly grounded in rationality.

  17. The full policy document does cover a broader range of social groups that require attention, such as youth in general, and orthodox streams within all religions. It also mentions the vulnerable position of lesbian women and transgender people. However, our point here is that Muslims are identified through the language and examples used, as a particular social group where promotion of ‘speakability’ is urgently required.

  18. The impact of the Antillians’ attitudes is mitigated by additional statistics showing that they constitute a much smaller ethnic group than people from Turkish and Moroccan descent which form the largest immigrant groups. The other large ethic group are those from Surinam; however, their acceptance level of homosexuality is shown to be close to the acceptance level of Dutch autochthons, therefore causing less concern (OCW 2007: 10).

  19. For a detailed listing (and analysis) of El Moumni’s and other Dutch imam’s comments, see for example Mepschen et al. (2010).

  20. For a more detailed discussion of Pim Fortuyn’s political agenda and anti-immigration, anti-Muslim discourse, as well as the developments after his murder see Van der Veer (2006) and Vasta (2006).

  21. The Dutch term to refer to the white Dutch population is autochtoon (autochthon), that is ‘originating from, or the earliest known inhabitants of, a particular land’ (also aboriginal or indigenous). There is no English word for the opposite Dutch term allochtoon which refers to originating from an ‘other’ land, commonly used to refer to the non-white Dutch population.

  22. In the UK context, Prime Minister David Cameron also addressed this issue, criticising the ‘doctrine of state multiculturalism’ to encourage ‘different cultures to live separate lives’, and to tolerate ‘these segregated communities behaving in ways that run completely counter to our values’. In particular, he notes how a ‘much more active, muscular liberalism’ is required that does not stand ‘neutral between different values’ but actively promotes freedoms ‘regardless of race, sex or sexuality’ (notably, he does not mention regardless of religion). http://www.number10.gov.uk/news/speeches-and-transcripts/2011/02/pms-speech-at-munich-security-conference-60293 accessed 10 March 2010.

  23. In 2007, Wilders called for the Qur'an to be banned and likened it to Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf, and in 2008 Wilders also made a film entitled ‘Fitna’ which accused the Qur’an of inciting violence, and Islam of being a murderous religion. The film intersperses images of the September 11 attacks with quotations from the Quran. Like van Gogh’s ‘Submission’, Wilders’ short film caused controversy and public and political debate ensued on whether the film should be shown, particularly on Dutch state television. A similar debate took place in England in relation to whether Wilders should be allowed to enter the country to show his film. Whilst he was refused entry the first time, he was able to enter and was hosted in Parliament by Lord Pearson of the Independence Party to show his film. See further Butler (2009, 126), Mepschen et al. 2010, and Siddique and Walker (2009). The PVV's role in this coalition is to provide gedoogsteun (‘tolerance- support’). That is to say, they do not hold ministerial positions but have agreed a ‘governance plan’ with two other political parties who jointly still only have a minority of votes in Parliament and thus rely on the PVV's support.

  24. Interestingly, the project carries the same name as the first gay magazine published in the Netherlands from 1965: Dialoog, subtitled Tijdschrift voor homofilie en maatschappij (Magazine for homosexuality and society). www.ihlia.nl/dutch/algemeen/Tijdbalk, accessed 15 December 2010.

  25. The COC (Centrum voor Ontspanning en Cultuur: Centre for Recreation and Culture) is the Dutch national LGBT organisation. The Muslim organisation taking part in the Dialogue project was originally the Yoesuf Foundation, founded in 1998 working on Islam and sexual diversity. It changed its name reflecting a broader area of work in 2005 to Educatiecentrum voor de islam en maatschappelijke vraagstukken (Educational centre on Islam and social issues). It ceased its activities in 2008. See also below on the Malaika Foundation that formally succeeded it. The Just being gay document also refers to the activities of a trio of organisations working to improve ‘discussability’ in ‘various ethnic-cultural circles’: COC, FORUM—the institute for multicultural development, and Artikel 1, a relatively new institute taking over the work of the national anti-racism and anti-discrimination bureaus (OCW 2007, p. 15).

  26. Vision statement of the Malaika Foundation, available at http://www.malaica.nl/visie.html, accessed 11 December 2010.

  27. MOVISIE’s mission is to promote the participation and independence of citizens by supporting and advising professional organizations, volunteer organisations and government institutions (www.movisie.nl/eCache/ENG/1/15/032.html, accessed 10 December 2010). MOVISIE’s role in lesbian and homo-emancipation is mainly in advising and supporting municipalities and other local and regional public bodies in improving the situation of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender citizens (www.movisie.nl/115468/def/home/homoemancipatie/ (in Dutch), accessed 10 December 2010).

  28. Interview with Charlot Pierik (Diversity project manager at MOVISIE) and Juul van Hof (MOVISIE Advisor on LGBT policy issues, gender and social development) on 9 April 2010, Amsterdam. They also pointed out that funding of education programmes on diversity issues within the Muslim community at large was distributed via mainstream migrant groups and did not necessarily involve participation of queer Muslims.

  29. See for example the very successful campaign by (the politically right wing) Frank van Dalen as chair of the COC between April 2005 to June 2008, not only in influencing the Dutch governmental policy, but also in obtaining control over the funding for allochtone ‘selforganisations’ (Van der Linden (2007); interview with Charlot Pierik and Juul van Hof (see footnote 28); Haritaworn et al. 2008).

  30. See further footnote 39 on the socio-economic issues faced by many queer Muslims.

  31. Whilst the issue of making a choice between an out gay sexuality and kinship cultural ties is often articulated in relation to queer Muslims or other ethnic and/or religious queers, this phenomenon is of course more widely prevalent albeit rarely remarked upon.

  32. This latter point about the lack of recognition for Muslim/migrant gays within mainstream gay circles is a point also made by respondents in the Safra Project Report of Initial Findings (Jivraj et al. 2003).

  33. The problem with this terminology and perception is that it reinforces and perpetuates the social construction of the separateness of such identities and social arenas, as we will elaborate on below.

  34. See also Haritaworn et al. (2008) and Rahman (2010).

  35. Habibi Ana is also described as ‘a small bar in Arabian style, with exotic music and exotic guys. And people who admire these guys…’ (www.nighttours.com/amsterdam/gayguide/habibi_ana.html, accessed 12 December 2010). Although apparently a bar for ‘guys’, the home page of its website shows a ‘classical orientalist’ depiction of a woman in belly dancing dress. www.habibiana.nl, accessed 12 December 2010. Problematically, Mepschen et al. mention this same bar when seeking to list examples of ‘new articulations of sexual freedom and expression’ that they suppose demonstrates the success of a ‘politics of sexual freedom and diversity’ (2010, p. 972).

  36. There is of course an interesting gendered dimension here that also circulates in discourse around ‘imperilled Muslim women’ also viewed as requiring protection from their ‘dangerous Muslim men’ see Razack (2008).

  37. The silencing effect of holding up emblematic ‘liberated’ Muslims and ascribing the ‘authentic voice’ to them has been discussed elsewhere, for example Haritaworn et al. (2008), Ghorashi (2003).

  38. See also Rahman (2010).

  39. Members or beneficiaries of the grassroots groups can be dealing with mental health issues, domestic violence, struggling with their religious or cultural identities, illegality, addiction, prostitution (Dankmeijer 2010/1, p. 7; Jivraj et al. 2003). As a result, the position of leaders of Muslim support organisations can become very strained. Requirements to be out in a particular way, and expected engagement with the mainstream Muslim community may exacerbate this situation.

  40. This critical absence (with the exception of this paper) was also prevalent at the Sexual Nationalisms conference organised by the sexuality studies department at the University of Amsterdam in January 2011.

  41. For a feminist critique of the way ‘citizenship’ discourse has been taken particularly in folding migrant citizens into the culture and values of the nation see for example Yuval-Davis (2009).

  42. This problem of marginalisation was especially an issue at the panel ‘Homo-nationalism, homo-neoliberalism, homo-neo-colonialism: Crises and travels, Europe and beyond’ (with contributions from El-Tayeb, Jivraj, Petzen and Haritaworn and chaired by Duggan), as made explicit by Puar at the closing panel.

  43. For example the Sexual Nationalism’s pre-conference debate was entitled De Nederlandse paradox. Seksueel nationalisme in een multiculturele samenleving (The Dutch paradox. Sexual nationalism in a multicultural society). The programme is available at: http://www.sexualnationalisms.org/resources/SEXUAL_NATIONALISMS_FINAL_PROGRAM.pdf, accessed 25 March 2011. The theme of the supposed ‘paradox’ was also taken up in the ‘welcome discourses’ as well as one of the first plenary speaker’s contribution, Eric Fassin, also a co-organiser of the event. See also the Conference organisers’ statement with regards to the ‘Homo-nationalism, homo-neoliberalism, homo-neo-colonialism: Crises and travels, Europe and beyond’ panels’ critiques of the conference (http://www.sexualnationalisms.org/statement-february-2nd-2011.php, accessed 15 March 2011). See also the Lesbiennes of Colour statement ‘Islamophobie au nom du féminisme, Non!’ (‘No! to Islamaphobia in the name of feminism’) on the difficulties they encountered in talking about racism at a conference organised by two mainstream French LGBTQ organisations on ‘Islamophobia and Feminism in France’ http://espace-locs.fr/, accessed 27 April 2011.

  44. Gosine summarises ‘Mati Work’ as ‘a surviving historical practice among Afro-Surinamese working-class women who create families from relationships that are not limited to blood ties, or a choice between heterosexuality or homosexuality’ (Gosine 2009, p. 1).

  45. ‘Zwarte, migranten- en vluchtelingen’ (zmv) (Black, migrant and refugee) is a term used in the Netherlands similar to ‘Black, minority, ethnic’ (BME) in the UK.

  46. See also Wekker’s forthcoming work (2011a, b) and Rahman (2010) who makes a similar point about the need for further research on migrant sexual subjectivities.

  47. Here, she draws on a Foucauldian notion of Ethics where ‘the subject is formed within the limits of a historically specific set of formative practices and moral injunctions… what Foucault characterises as ‘modes of subjectivation’ (Foucault 1990, p. 29 discussed in Mahmood 2005, p. 28).

  48. Mepschen et al. lists the success of these Christian groups too as another example of a ‘new articulations of sexual freedom and expression’ that supposedly supports their position in favour of a ‘politics of sexual freedom and diversity’ (2010, p. 972). However, as with the other problematic examples, such as the Habibi Ana café (footnote 35) and the disbanded Yoesuf Foundation (footnote 25), our analysis suggests these examples are not convincing.

  49. See the announcement that the Equality Act’s ‘costly dual discrimination rules’ are to be discontinued (2011 Budget statement by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Rt Hon George Osborne MP. 23 March 2011. http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/2011budget_speech.htm, accessed 12 April 2011).

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  1. School of Social Sciences and Law, Oxford Brookes University, Oxford, UK

    Suhraiya Jivraj

  2. School of Law, Bristol University, Bristol, UK

    Anisa de Jong

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Correspondence to Suhraiya Jivraj.

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Jivraj, S., de Jong, A. The Dutch Homo-Emancipation Policy and its Silencing Effects on Queer Muslims. Fem Leg Stud 19, 143–158 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10691-011-9182-5

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