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The Freedom of the Ancients from a Humean Perspective

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Morality, Governance, and Social Institutions

Abstract

David Hume’s theory of social and political order as represented in Russell Hardin’s dual coordination theory seems to conflict with the idea of political liberty as defined in Benjamin Constant’s concept of the ‘liberty of the ancients’. In this chapter, I argue that the apparent tension vanishes once the role of moral approbation in Humes’s theory of the conventional foundation of social and political order is adequately taken into account.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See for example Hardin (1995), 28 ff. or Hardin (2014). The theory is also clearly present, albeit not explicitly stated, in other earlier work such as Hardin (1999).

  2. 2.

    See Hardin (1988, 1989, 1999, 2004, 2007).

  3. 3.

    As, for example, Robert Sugden (2009), Ken Binmore (2005) or Antony de Jasay (2010); for the general discussion see also Lahno and Brennan (2013/14).

  4. 4.

    Note that both kinds of liberty apply to individuals. The liberty of the ancients is ‘collective’ in the sense that it focuses on participatory rights in forming the collective body and its guiding rules. But these rights are still individual rights. The liberty of the ancients is about what individuals can do, albeit what they can do as part of the body politic.

  5. 5.

    Arguably, Constant’s distinction is much more suited to accentuate this problem than its modern counterpart. As Berlin notes, the threat of unjust coercion in the name of liberty is not essentially tied to positive conceptions of liberty (1969, 134). Coercion may conceivably be justified in similar ways by reference to the ideal of negative liberty. In contrast, the liberty of the moderns as defined by Constant is conceptually inconsistent with the violation of liberal rights.

  6. 6.

    Many thinkers outside the liberal tradition thought that, once the world was civilized, we can control the determinants of our life only collectively and they held variants of the liberty of the ancients, therefore, to be the only achievable forms of liberty within a mature human society. See, for example Rousseau’s concept of ‘liberté civile’ (Contrat Social 1.8, see Rousseau 1987, 159) or Marx’ ‘menschliche Emanzipation’ (1974).

  7. 7.

    If, as many argue, a PD can represent Hobbes’ state of nature, it is a state of order, albeit a ‘natural order’ as explicated here.

  8. 8.

    This property of a strategy profile can be understood as an enhancement of a property introduced by Davis Lewis to characterize the stability of a convention . A ‘coordination equilibrium’ according to Lewis (1969, 14) is a strategy profile such that no deviation from the profile is advantageous to any of the players involved, if all others stick to the given. Thus, in a coordination equilibrium no actor has an interest in any other actor deviating from the common scheme, so long as no other does. The distinguishing feature of the simple coordination problem in Fig. 2 is stronger: every isolated deviation from the common scheme by one actor is strictly disadvantageous to every actor involved. Thus every actor has an interest that no singular actor deviates. A profile with this property could be called ‘strict coordination equilibrium’.

  9. 9.

    Michael Tomasello argues that this is what decisively discriminates human beings from non-human primates. See, for example, Tomasello (2009, 32 f. 62 ff ).

  10. 10.

    In what follows I will refer to the Selby-Bigge edition of Hume’s Treatise (1978) by a capital T usually followed by the relevant page numbers. Similarly E will refer to Hume’s Enquiries (1975).

  11. 11.

    See FN 8.

  12. 12.

    A prominent example put forward by Hardin is the electoral system in the USA. See Hardin (2014, 83 f ).

  13. 13.

    See, for example, Hardin (2007, 92, 97, 98); or Hardin (2014, 87, especially FN 11).

  14. 14.

    It may, for example, be immoral if the rule represents a ‘strict’ coordination equilibrium and no other can be expected to act according to the rule. This, of course contradicts Kant’s claim that the categorical imperative (as given in the first definition, see Kant 2002, 37) has unconditional obligating force.

  15. 15.

    I take it that these two claims about the explanatory and justificatory force of consent are the essence of the anti-contractarian argument of the dual coordination theory. See also the related short discussion in section ‘Rules as Reasons for Action’.

  16. 16.

    For a more thorough discussion of moral approbation in the context of artificial virtues, see Lahno (1995, chap. 8).

  17. 17.

    According to Hume’s analysis common sense morality tends to be deontological rather than consequentialist. Kant may well have been inspired by this piece of moral psychology. But, of course, no normative or meta-ethical conclusion can be drawn from this purely descriptive account.

  18. 18.

    The connection of this psychological claim to Leon Festinger’s Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (1957) is obvious.

  19. 19.

    See Salter (2015) for a more comprehensive related argument.

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Lahno, B. (2018). The Freedom of the Ancients from a Humean Perspective. In: Christiano, T., Creppell, I., Knight, J. (eds) Morality, Governance, and Social Institutions. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61070-2_4

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