Abstract
The segregation of the sexes in sport still seems to be regarded as a matter of course. In contrast to other performance classes, e.g., age and weight, which are constructed on the grounds of directly relevant performance features, in the case of gender it is dealt with the merely statistical factor that women on average perform less well than men. And yet unlike weight or age classes, which can be interchanged if the required performances are provided, the segregation between the sexes in many types of sport seems to be quite impermeable. Contrary to popular beliefs women were not excluded from the beginning of modern sport. Hence, the meaning of gender differences varies in the course of time and in types of sport. Thus, this paper firstly gives a short summary of the different relevance of gender differences in high performance competitions of various types of sport. Then the historical construction of gender as central dimension in modern sport will be illustrated by using the example of soccer. Here in this paper, the elaborate processes of reproducing this incommensurability between women and men in sport is the main focus: At first big sport organisations tried to exclude women whose performances were well above the expectations by establishing so called “Gender verifications” which suspected them of fraud. Although it became certain that there is no clear differentiation between the sexes, gender segregation was not abolished. Instead new regulations have been invented to treat and “normalise” people who are difficult to categorise, e.g., transsexuals and women with Hyperandrogenism, in order to subsume them into the existent gender categories. So finally, gender segregation in sport seems to be just another example for Goffman’s institutional reflexivity: While the separation of the competitions are said to be a natural consequence of the differences between men and women, it actually is just a tool to create those differences.
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Notes
The principle of performance and the comparison of performances also play an important role in other sections of modern meritocracies, yet no other social field besides sports is mainly structured through the principle of performance. Thus, neither the field of science nor that of art are organised by performance classes. Although there are rankings in science and art, these are not primary and socially accepted goals which are pursued by scientists and artists, as both fields can basically work without competition.
Furthermore, there are of course differences between countries or rather global regions.
Thus, for example in softball, which is the female version of baseball, consequently softer and slower balls need to be thrown in a different way. Another example is women’s ice hockey where tackling (physical contact) is forbidden, in contrast to the men’s version in which this is a constitutive part of the game.
Besides the differentiation between various types of sport, sports are usually subdivided into recreational sports or mass sports, fitness and exercise, competitive sports as well as high-performance sports.
By the term “football,” I refer to association football (as do the majority of countries where English is an official language and many regions of Europe, Asia, Africa, the Caribbean and Central America). In most countries in North America, association football is known as “soccer”.
Not the case in the USA, Norway and China (see Guttmann 2002).
For a long time, the idea of men and women competing against each other was so inconceivable that formal provisions were not even necessary to enforce segregation. This gap only became apparent in 2004, when the Mexican female soccer player Maribel Dominguez signed a two-year-contract at a male second division club.
A basic alternative to create separate performance classes would be the handicap principle, which helps, for instance in golf or during horse racing, to level the different performances into a heterogenous field of participants.
Interestingly, however, not all categorisation features with a solid everyday life embedded benefit receipt are in fact used to form performance classes. While for example disabled athletes are almost entirely excluded and are confined to their own competitions (see Wedemeyer-Kolwe 2011), in many sports, a visual coherence between skin colour and athletic performance does not result in a so-called “colour line” (anymore) (see Miller 2004).
Until recently, this was also true for transsexuals (see 2.2 and Wiederkehr 2012: 37ff.).
Such stories and rumours in the world of sports were circulating especially since the 1930 s, and many cases have not been cleared to this day (see Bausenwein and Schwanitz 1975: 127). For instance, it remains unclear how many cases really existed and if these concerned men dressed up as women or maybe transsexual or intersexual people (see Wedemeyer-Kolwe 2014: 96f.). Famous and to this day unsolved examples are the British athlete Mary Weston, the Polish US-American runner Stella Walsh as well as the German high jumper Dora (alias Hermann) Ratjen (Dowling 2002: 201f.; Ferris 1992: 685f.; Jörgensen and Eberle 1975: 2ff.; Heggie 2010; Welzel 2000).
Correspondingly, the US-American author Nell Warren (2003: 1) states: “In the U.S., demand for gender testing came out of the same superheated conservative climate that produced the 1950 s McCarthy hearings, which aimed to root communists and homosexuals out of our society. In many Americans’ minds, there was a link between ‘not being a real American’ and ‘not being a real woman or man’”.
Athletes who did not pass the Barr Body Test and were disqualified from women’s contests were however also not allowed to compete against men (see Kessler and Mc Kenna 1978: 53).
There is no exact data about women who were tested negative, as presumably, in most cases other reasons were given for the withdrawal. According to the examinations of Ferguson-Smith and Ferris (1991), between 1972 and 1990, 13 out of 6561 tested athletes in seven international sports competitions did not pass the gender verification (see also Doig et al. 1997: 4; Simpson et al. 1993: 311; Ljungqvist and Simpson 1992: 851). Furthermore, one to two athletes are assumed to have been disqualified due to negative test results at each of the Olympic Games between 1968 and 1988 (Simpson et al. 1993: 309).
Such is the effect of the Androgen insensitivity syndrome, the Swyer syndrome (44. XY), as well as the Turner syndrome (44, XO) (see Doig et al. 1997: 5).
An example of this is the Klinefelter Syndrom (Ferris 1992: 691). People with this genetic anomaly have three sex chromosomes (44, XXY), are infertile, but have male genitals and can have either a male or a female appearance.
As, e.g., the Congenital adrenal hyperplasia, in which the adrenal cortex of genetic women overly produces androgens, which then lead to a male outward appearance. An overview of special chromosome features and the expected results of persons concerned at different gender verification tests can be found in Simpson et al. 1993: 310.
The frequency of the Androgen insensitivity syndrome is suspected to be 1:20,000. In comparison: The frequency of trisomy 21, the Down syndrome, is 1:600.
This statement is limited to the gender politics of the IAAF and the IOC, as these have had a pioneering role in sports politics. Numerous other sports federations today still stick to the obligatory gender verification processes in laboratories, as, e.g., FIFA (2011).
A detailed written composition of these regulations concerning athletes who have undergone sex reassignment was passed under this title by the IAAF in 2001 (see IAAF 2011c).
„The normal male range of Total Testosterone“ was thereby set to ≥10 nmol/l (IAAF 2011b: 3).
By now, there is a modified Ferriman–Gallwey scoring system for hirsutism with an obviously more schematic and less ethnocentric representation of the female body.
The US-American volleyball player Flora Jean Hyman also suffered from Marfan Syndrome (see Reeser 2005: 698).
The claim was filed by a 19-year-old female athlete of Indian nationality who was identified as having hyperandrogenism and was therefore declared incapacitated and told to undergo medical treatment, among other things “an aesthetic (re)construction of the vagina” (see Pieper 2015).
For a discussion of abolishing gender segregation in sports, see Tännsjö 2000.
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Müller, M. Constructing Gender Incommensurability in Competitive Sport: Sex/Gender Testing and the New Regulations on Female Hyperandrogenism. Hum Stud 39, 405–431 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10746-016-9397-1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10746-016-9397-1