Abstract
We analyze the relationship between evolutionary theory and classification of higher taxa in the work of three ichthyologists: Albert C.L.G. Günther (1830–1914), Edward Drinker Cope (1840–1897), and Theodore Gill (1837–1914). The progress of ichthyology in the early years following the Origin has received little attention from historians, and offers an opportunity to further evaluate the extent to which evolutionary theorizing influenced published views on systematic methodology. These three ichthyologists held radically different theoretical views. The apparent commensurability of claims about relationships among groups of fishes belies differences in what the relationships actually were supposed to be. As well, interpreting classification as genealogical did not lead to agreement about taxonomic methodology; instead, applying evolutionary theory raised new axes of disagreement.
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Notes
Huxley later adopted genealogical classification, in response to Haeckel. See di Gregorio (1984).
In his (1975) A Century of Zoology at the British Museum Through the Lives of Two Keepers, 1815–1914 Albert E. Gunther noted: “While Albert Gunther lived the family wrote its name as he did, with the “ü”, which is, by rule, maintained in scientific literature.” A.E. Gunther (A.C.L.G. Günther’s grandson) chose to omit the umlaut when referring to his grandfather: “In a biography written over sixty years after Albert Gunther’s death it would hardly be in keeping to retain a form no longer in use.” The Dictionary of National Biography (1927, 2004) lists A.C.L.G. Günther with the umlaut, offering “Gunther” as an alternative form in brackets, though the Anglicized form is used in-text in the 2004 edition. We here follow the usage in the scientific literature, which continues to retain the umlaut.
The museum that was named the British Museum (Natural History) in Günther’s day legally separated from the British Museum in 1963, and was renamed the Natural History Museum in 1992.
Whitehead and Talwar (1976, p. 84) report that Günther, when contacted for advice by the publishers of Macmillan & Co., questioned Jordan’s ability to write a proposed book on western European fishes, calling Jordan a “compiler” and stating that he was “an adherent of the rules of zoolog. nomenclature established by American naturalists to supersede the nomenclature followed in Europe.”
A thorough, though hagiographic, treatment of all aspects of Cope’s life has been presented by Osborn in Cope: Master Naturalist (1931). Davidson’s (1997) biography is far more balanced in its assessment of the man, but largely avoids Cope’s taxonomic theory and practice. We have also drawn biographical information from Osborn’s (1930) shorter sketch, and from Gill (1897).
Ulett also notes that orthogeneticists’ theories may seem unscientific because they devised many technical terms that sound bizarre to us, such as bathmysm, physiogenesis, kinetogenesis, aristogenesis, genepistasis, halmatogenesis, and kyesamechania (Ulett 2014, p. 125). It is worth remembering that strange-sounding technical terms occur in other historical episodes in biological theorizing. Writing on the systematists of the Modern Synthesis, Kruseman (1950) discusses the uses of the terms Jordanont, Linneont, Oecotype, Oecospecies, comparium, commiscuum, convivum, Rassenkreis, and isoreagent. Simpson (1944) is also a fertile source of examples (hypsodonty, homeosis, megaevolution, horotelic, brachytelic, tachytelic, quantum evolution).
See Corsi (2006) for further analysis, in particular of Lamarck’s materialism, vitalism, and his changing views on spontaneous generation.
Levit and Olsson (2006) provide an extremely useful taxonomy of orthogenetic theories.
Cope here cites Cope (1883a).
Günther was editor of the Record of Zoology (known as the Zoological Record from 1870 to present) through 1864 and 1869 and continued to write the section on fishes through 1872.
For example, Gill would have been aware of his Smithsonian colleagues’ frustration with Rafinesque’s haphazard approach to ichthyology and mammology, which resulted in species and genera whose identities were difficult or impossible to verify (Baird, 1857; Girard, 1857) The crux of the problem was that Rafinesque generated names that were not linked to specimens; sometimes his taxa were not based on any direct examination of specimens. Agassiz (1854) wrote that “Nothing is more to be regretted for the progress of natural history in this country than that Rafinesque did not put up somewhere a collection of all the genera and species he had established, with well-authenticated labels...” Jordan (1877) later reported that some of Rafinesque’s species were based on drawings made by Audobon as a prank, to deliberately trick Rafinesque. The taxonomic havoc caused by Rafinesque was a powerful impetus for the museum community’s focus on the value of specimens and direct examination of specimens, an ethos that continues to this day (Woodman, 2016).
Bowler (1996, p. 232) cites this passage to indicate that Gill considered the Dipnoans “among the most primitive fish”. Gill uses the phrase “most generalized” when referring to living forms that have diverged the least from a (hypothesized) “primitive stock”, but does not here refer to living Dipnoans as “primitive”.
Panchen (1992, p. 31) claims that in Gill’s trees, “the horizontal axis is not a measure of morphology or anything else”, and that Gill’s trees resemble cladistic analysis in this respect. However, Gill repeatedly discussed the relative degree of specialization of groups and consistently placed groups that he considered more generalized on the left versus right branch.
See Hennig (1966) pp. 119–122.
See Sepkoski (2009, 2012) for analysis of attempts to synthesize paleontology and evolutionary theory (and their discontents). On a standard historiographic narrative, during the period between Darwin’s 1859 publication and the Modern Synthesis, the theoretical development of such a paleobiology was hindered by under-appreciation of the power of selection, enthusiasm for orthogenetic theories, and pessimism about the fossil record. As Bowler (2009, p. xiii) remarked and Allmon (2020) has demonstrated, a re-evaluation of the history of paleontology is necessary to avoid assumption that theoretical progress has been hindered by failure to adopt neo-Darwinist views.
Regan’s key systematic papers were published in series between 1903 and 1923 primarily in Annals and Magazine of Natural History See also Greenwood et al. (1966, p. 345).
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Acknowledgements
We thank William Kimler, Ted Pietsch, and Gareth Nelson for encouragement and comments on an early version of this paper, and Polly Winsor for encouragement and discussion. We thank two anonymous reviewers for thorough and extremely helpful comments.
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Jackson, J.R., Quinn, A. Post-Darwinian fish classifications: theories and methodologies of Günther, Cope, and Gill. HPLS 45, 4 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40656-022-00556-1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40656-022-00556-1