Abstract
In recent years, policymakers, academics, and practitioners have increasingly called for the development of global governance mechanisms for artificial intelligence (AI). This paper considers the prospects for these calls in light of two other geopolitical trends: digital sovereignty and digital expansionism. While calls for global AI governance promote the surrender of some state sovereignty over AI, digital sovereignty and expansionism seek to secure greater state control over digital technologies. To demystify the tensions between these trends and their potential consequences, we undertake a case analysis of digital sovereignty and digital expansionism in China, the European Union, and the United States. We argue that the extraterritoriality embedded in these three actors’ policies and escalatory competitive narratives, particularly those from the US, will likely undermine substantive global AI governance cooperation. However, nascent areas of alignment or compromise, notably in data governance and technical standards, could prove fruitful starting points for building trust in multilateral fora, such as the G20 or United Nations.
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Notes
- 1.
GPAI membership has since expanded, with the organisation consisting of 29 member states as of January 2023.
- 2.
- 3.
It also must be acknowledged that digital expansionism is distinct from but intertwined with digital colonialism (as theorised by Couldry and Mejias (2019). The primary purpose of digital colonialism is resource extraction or exploitation. Digital expansionism, which incorporates data exploitation as part of its strategy, can be thought of as a data colonialist practice, but the primary purpose is increasing power rather than specifically resource extraction, although resource extraction can be a method of increasing power.
- 4.
Note that private companies can act as sovereign actors in themselves, but for the purposes of this chapter it is sufficient to point to the alignment between many national and corporate interests of domiciled companies, largely because of value systems and economic incentives.
- 5.
Non-state-sponsored actors may also engage in hacking activities, but we are considering only those endorsed by the state to increase its power.
- 6.
After pushback from other jurisdictions, particularly the US, the phrase “Made in China 2025” in policy documents has been deemphasised since 2018 (Doshi 2020).
- 7.
The SCO is an intergovernmental international organisation of Asian states, established in 2001.
- 8.
The acronyms are for “Comité européen de normalisation” and “Comité européen de normalisation électrotechnique”.
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Roberts, H., Hine, E., Floridi, L. (2023). Digital Sovereignty, Digital Expansionism, and the Prospects for Global AI Governance. In: Timoteo, M., Verri, B., Nanni, R. (eds) Quo Vadis, Sovereignty? . Philosophical Studies Series, vol 154. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41566-1_4
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