Abstract
The theoretical tools bequeathed to us by classical and revival pragmatism offer the potential for informing robust empirical work in sociology. But this potential has yet to be adequately demonstrated. There are a number of strands of pragmatism; this article draws primarily upon Dewey’s theory of action to examine Hull-House in its early years. Of particular interest are the practices of Jane Addams and other Hull-House residents. What were they doing to help people and why? An attempt to answer these questions in non-teleological terms forms the empirical basis of the article. This article should provide some support to those historical sociologists who might consider (or already are) taking a pragmatist turn in their work. And, it should strengthen the empirical foundations of pragmatism as an alternative (non-teleological) way to understand social action.
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Notes
It is worth noting that, as Anne Firor Scott (2000, pp. xiv–xv) points out, Addams “had read and commented on the first eight chapters of Linn’s manuscript and discussed his plans for the next three.”
For example, Voss (1993) draws on the case of the Knights of Labor in New Jersey to rethink elements of the political process model. Tackett (1996) looks at the diaries of Third Estate members in eighteenth century France to make sense of why they became revolutionaries. Padgett and Ansell (1993) draw on the network structure of the Medici family in Florence to help inform our understanding of the process of state building. Vaughan (2006) uses the case of NASA’s Columbia accident to, among other things, illuminate the process of idea diffusion and expand our thinking on social boundaries.
For more on the Metaphysical Club, see the eponymous title by Louis Menand (2001).
The reader should not conflate the theoretical framework I deploy with the actual relations Addams had with others. For example, just because Addams had a collegial relationship with Mead does not necessarily mean that Mead’s theory is a requisite part of the theoretical frame deployed in this article.
See pp. 124–141 of Houser and Kloesel (1992).
In particular, Emirbayer heavily relies on Knowing and the Known by Dewey and Bentley (1949).
For a discussion of the origins of the CRAS, see Nelson (1966).
This is not to say that the CRAS was the only game in town. There were a number of other civic and religious organizations doing charity at this time but the CRAS was the best funded and most influential.
See Schneiderhan (2008) for a discussion of the CRAS and its relations with Jane Addams, Hull-House, and charity organization in Chicago.
Scholars have exhaustively studied the emergence of the settlement house in the United States (Carson 1990; Crocker 1992; Davis 1984, 2000 [1973]). Neighborhood Guild, the first American settlement, was established in 1886 on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. Including Addams’s Hull-House, founded in 1889, only four settlements were founded in America before 1890. By 1900 there were approximately 100 in operation and by 1910 there were about 400 (Trattner 1999, p. 175). Chicago was home to 16 at its peak, most notably Hull-House and Graham Taylor’s Chicago Commons. The American settlement had a strong religious foundation, yet remained decidedly non-sectarian. However, it is important to be cautious with such general descriptions, as settlement houses were not all the same. Similarly, it would be easy to romanticize the settlement movement and provide it with more uniformity than it actually possessed; some operated more as religious convents, particularly in smaller cities, while others were closer to the Hull-House “model” (if we can speak of such a thing), pursuing social provision in the spirit of the Gospels.
Jane Addams, “Outgrowths of Toynbee Hall,” December 3, 1891, [address delivered to the Chicago Woman’s Club], reel 46-0480-0496, the Jane Addams Memorial Collection (JAMC), Special Collections, The University Library, The University of Illinois at Chicago.
Jane Addams to Sarah Alice Addams Haldeman, June 14, 1888, Haldeman-Julius Family Papers, JAMC (reel 2-0968-0973), Special Collections, The University Library, The University of Illinois at Chicago.
Toynbee, who lived among the poor in East London for a time, was the inspiration for the name and general location of the settlement. The naming was prompted in part by Toynbee’s death in 1883. See Briggs and Macartney (1984) Chapter One (“The Victorian Prelude”) for a more in-depth discussion of the intellectual foundations of Toynbee Hall.
In a reverse of Jane Addams’s story, the catalyst for Barnett’s career in helping others seems to have been a trip to America, where he saw the influence of education on freed African-Americans. See Meacham (1987), Ch. 2 for more detail.
Nora Marks, “Two Women’s Work: The Misses Addams and Starr Astonish the West Siders,” Chicago Daily Tribune (May 19, 1890): 1–2. This is one of the first substantive journalistic accounts of practice at Hull-House.
The reader may notice that what follows privileges the role of Addams over that of her friend Ellen Gates Starr in the founding and subsequent expansion of Hull-House. This is in keeping with nearly all accounts of Hull-House, which portray Starr as someone who, while intimate with Addams, faded into the background as Hull-House (and Addams) gained prominence.
One of the ways in which they seem to have made connections with other social provision organizations was through the Chicago Women’s Club, of which Addams and Starr became members in April 1889. For an example of their early press, see D. Swing 1889 (June 8). “A New Social Movement.” p. 4 in the Chicago Evening Journal.
Letter from Jane Addams to Mary Catherine Addams Linn, April 1, 1889, Swarthmore College Peace Collection, JAMC (reel 2-1050-1061), Special Collections, The University Library, The University of Illinois at Chicago.
Swing, D. 1889 (June 8). “A New Social Movement.” p. 4 in the Chicago Evening Journal.
Jane Addams’s Diary, 1889–1890. Swarthmore College Peace Collection, JAMC (reel 29–0101), Special Collections, The University Library, The University of Illinois at Chicago.
[Rev.] David Swing, “A New Social Movement,” Chicago Evening Journal (June 8, 1889): 4.
In particular, see Addams’s letter to her sister of 10/8/1889 and Starr’s lengthy letters to her family in November 1889. JAMC (reel 2, 1085–1109).
Jenny Dow, “The Chicago Toynbee Hall,” Unity (March 15, 1890), Hull-House Scrapbook I, JAMC, Special Collections, The University Library, The University of Illinois at Chicago.
Jane Addams, “Outgrowths of Toynbee Hall,” December 3, 1891, [address delivered to the Chicago Woman’s Club], p. 15, JAMC (reel 46-0480-0496), Special Collections, The University Library, The University of Illinois at Chicago.
Nora Marks, “Two Women’s Work: The Misses Addams and Starr Astonish the West Siders,” in Chicago Tribune May 19, 1890.
Ibid.
Jane Addams, “Outgrowths of Toynbee Hall,” p. 13. Toynbee Hall, which had its own Social Science Club, might have had a strong influence on the development of the Hull-House version. For more on this, see Knight (2005, p. 204).
Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for help with the writing in this section of the article.
Ibid., p. 13.
Ibid., p. 12.
April 10, 1893 Chicago Relief and Aid Society Meeting Minutes Volume 2, 1887–1909, p. 184, Chicago Historical Society, United Charities of Chicago Collection (UCCC).
May 8, 1893 CRAS Board Meeting. Chicago Relief and Aid Society Meeting Minutes Volume 2, 1887–1909, UCCC.
Just 2 years later, in 1892, Addams would join a group that was extremely critical of the CRAS practice of closing its doors during the summer. On the CRAS summer closings, see (for example) the 4/5/1890 CRAS Board of Directors meeting, UCCC. On Addams’s criticism of the CRAS, see the March 7, 1892 CRAS Board Meeting, UCCC.
“Hull House Kitchen Opened,” Chicago Record (August 24, 1893).
See Hull-House Maps and Papers (1895), p. 229.
Hull House Collection, Special Collections, The University Library, The University of Illinois at Chicago, 32–295: Residents’ Meetings Records Book (beginning January 1893), pp. 29–82. For a microfilm copy, see JAMC (reel 50).
While Lindblom is an economist and political scientist but not a pragmatist (although these things are not necessarily mutually exclusive), his “science of ‘muddling through’” resonates with the main argument that we should be skeptical of tidy, parsimonious means-ends explanations of social action.
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Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Mustafa Emirbayer, Chas Camic, Marie-Laure Djelic, Ivan Ermakoff, Myra Marx Ferree, Phil Gorski, Pamela Herd, Joel Rogers, and the Editors and anonymous reviewers from Theory and Society for advice and encouragement with this article.
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Schneiderhan, E. Pragmatism and empirical sociology: the case of Jane Addams and Hull-House, 1889–1895. Theor Soc 40, 589–617 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-011-9156-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-011-9156-2