Abstract
While the existence of human cognitive and behavioral diversity is now widely recognized, it is not yet well established how to explain this diversity. In particular, it is still unclear how to determine whether any given instance of human cognitive and behavioral diversity is due to a common psychology that is merely “triggered” differently in different bio-cultural environments, or whether it is due to deeply and fundamentally different psychologies. This paper suggests that, to answer this question, we need to employ subtle theoretical considerations of theory choice—especially the consideration of the complexity-weighted differential predictive successes of the two accounts. To make this clearer, the paper develops a novel analysis of the observed differences in human sharing dispositions.
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
Though see Knobe (2019), but see also below in section V.
The focus in what follows is on cross-cultural differences in cognitive and behavioral traits. However, the arguments can be easily extended to differences across other population groups (e.g. different genders).
This distinction between “fundamental” and “evoked” difference is a relatively straightforward explication of the more traditional distinction between “transmitted” from “evoked” differences. A reason for preferring to phrase the issues in terms of “fundamental” vs. “evoked” differences, rather than “transmitted” vs. “evoked” differences, is that—as will also be made clearer momentarily—non-evoked differences need not be transmitted from a prior generation or be transmitted to a succeeding generation. They could just be the result of individuals acquiring, e.g. through individual learning, different psychological mechanisms. (At any rate, instead of “fundamental,” I also frequently use the slightly more cumbersome term “non-evoked.”) Relatedly, this terminology is not meant to suggest that a fundamental difference speaks to some sort of “essential” differences among people; rather, it is just the result of different psychological mechanisms—which themselves may have been acquired by learning or even coincidentally. While fundamental differences will be deeper than evoked differences, they may thus still be quite shallow.
Here and in what follows, it is presumed that cognitive and behavioral differences either are evoked or not. However, it is possible to extend this framework and see differences as more or less evoked (e.g. by considering how different the relevant mechanisms are). Doing this is not so relevant for present purposes, though; see also Heyes (2018). Note further that the question of the exact number of cognitive and behavioral differences that are evoked or fundamental is not central here, and will not be further pursued in this paper; what matters here is just how we can determine which differences are evoked or fundamental—not how many.
Note, though, that matters here are more complex due to the fact that providing people with similar experiences may alter their psychologies, and that providing people with similar experiences need not mean that their psychological mechanisms are triggered in the same ways, as these experiences may be differentially embedded in prior experiences. Still, the general point here stands: knowing about the nature of a cognitive and behavioral difference can help us bridge that difference.
For example, when trying to make sense of the reasons why hawks switch from hunting mice in one patch of their territory to hunting them in another, we may choose to employ a model that assumes mice are independently distributed across patches in the local area. When modeling the reasons why hawks switch prey from mice to birds as the seasons change, we may assume that the distribution of mice in the local area is auto-correlated. This is not contradictory, as these models have different goals (Potochnik, 2010; Parker, 2020).
The exception will be behavioral differences that are highly stereotyped or which are highly reflexive, and where the psychological processing may thus be minimal (see Schulz, 2018b). In that case, the level of analysis can be lower. However, this will not be central in what follows, and does not affect the substance of any of the conclusions reached in this paper.
The observed variety in sharing dispositions also has major practical implications. Given that different groups share with each other in different ways, providing aid to others has to be done in a way that respects these differences, especially when it comes to cross-cultural aid.
Another example of this sort of case has been provided by Henrich et al. (2005, p. 811): they suggest that the fact that even hyper-fair offers in the ultimatum game are frequently rejected among the Au and Gnau is due to it being the case that, in this culture, the acceptance of a gift is taken to imply an obligation to repay this gift at a later date. If so, though, then this kind of rejection of hyper-fair offers should not be seen to display a different attitude towards resource division—it is just an aspect of the fact that, in this culture, gift giving is a much more dynamically extended affair that includes repayment of the gift later on. If this point is taken into account, the differences in the sharing dispositions between this culture and others might well disappear: holding the value of a gift fixed (which may include considering any obligations to repay the gift later), people from different cultures may display the same sharing dispositions (Kenrick & Sundieb, 2005).
So, R1 may specify that we share three strawberries with our nearest neighbor, and four tomatoes with our first cousins, while R2 may specify that we share two strawberries with our nearest neighbor, and eight potatoes with our first cousins. (Obviously, this is a purely illustrative example.)
This leaves open whether the individual rules in the different cultures—i.e. the different Ri—have individually more complexity than the common sharing mechanism (e.g. Hamilton’s rule) of the evoked account. This will clearly depend on the nature of the evoked account in question. However, what matters here is just that the fundamental account specifies a different rule for each culture—with potentially a completely different set of determinant variables.
Other theoretical virtues may matter too, but these are less well understood. Hence, the focus is on simplicity / complexity here. Considering other theoretical virtues would only strengthen the arguments of this paper.
Note also that the points made here are different from those in the debate between Knobe (2019) and Machery and Stich (Forthcoming). At stake in the latter debate is the question of how much variation there is in various behavioral and cognitive traits, with the former arguing that it is less than often supposed, and the former arguing that it is more. By contrast, the point here is just that, even if it turns out that diversity in psychological and behavioral traits is pervasive, this does not mean it is also fundamental. So, independently of how the Machery & Stich and Knobe debate is being resolved, the question of the psychic unity still needs to be answered.
Note that moral cognition may well turn out not to be one trait, but several: humans may rely on many different psychological mechanisms, each of which is tailored to a different moral domain or issue. However, this is not central here, and does not affect the conclusion reached.
Note that this is a point that Knobe (2019) recognizes, too: his claim is precisely that it is very surprising that it empirically turns out that many people think alike in many ways. While the latter part of this claim is being denied by Machery and Stich (Forthcoming), the former part clearly speaks to the fact that pervasive and obvious human psychic unity is not something that should be presumed from the armchair.
References
Abarbanell, L., and M.D. Hauser. 2010. Mayan morality: An exploration of permissible harms. Cognition 115 (2): 207–224.
Abraham, B., and J. Ledolter. 2006. Introduction to regression modeling. 1st ed. Independence, KY: Cengage.
Allen, C. 2014. Models, Mechanisms, and Animal Minds. The Southern Journal of Philosophy 52: 75–97.
Alvard, M.S. 2003. Kinship, lineage, and an evolutionary perspective on cooperative hunting groups in Indonesia. Human Nature 14 (2): 129–163.
Barrett, H.C. 2005. Adaptations to predators and prey. In The handbook of evolutionary psychology, ed. D.M. Buss, 200–223. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Birch, J., and S. Okasha. 2014. Kin selection and its critics. BioScience 65 (1): 22–32.
Blake, P.R., K. McAuliffe, J. Corbit, T.C. Callaghan, O. Barry, A. Bowie, L. Kleutsch, K.L. Kramer, E. Ross, H. Vongsachang, R. Wrangham, and F. Warneken. 2015. The ontogeny of fairness in seven societies. Nature 528: 258–261.
Bone, J.E., K. McAuliffe, and N.J. Raihani. 2016. Exploring the motivations for punishment: Framing and country-level effects. PLoS One 11 (8): e0159769.
Bowles, S., and H. Gintis. 2011. A cooperative species: Human reciprocity and its evolution. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Boyd, R., and P. Richerson. 2005. The origin and evolution of cultures. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Boyd, R., Richerson, P., & Henrich, J. (2011). The cultural niche: Why social learning is essential for human adaptation. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 108(supplement 2), 10918-10925.
Bretthorst, G. L. (1996). An introduction to model selection using probability theory as logic. In G. Heidbreder (Ed.), maximum entropy and Bayesian methods (Vol. 62, pp. 1-42): Springer Netherlands.
Burnham, K.P., and D.R. Anderson. 2002. Model selection and multimodel inference: A practical information-theoretic approach. 2nd ed. New York: Springer.
Cosmides, L., and J. Tooby. 1992. Cognitive adaptations for social exchange. In The adapted mind: Evolutionary psychology and the generation of culture, ed. J. Barkow, L. Cosmides, and J. Tooby, 163–228. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Cronk, L., and D. Gerkey. 2007. Kinship and descent. In The Oxford handbook of evolutionary psychology, ed. R. Dunbar and L. Barrett, 463–478. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Forster, M., and E. Sober. 1994. How to tell when simpler, more unified, or less ad hoc theories will provide more accurate predictions. British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 45 (1): 1–35.
Forster, M., and E. Sober. 2011. AIC scores as evidence—A Bayesian interpretation. In The philosophy of statistics, ed. M. Forster and P.S. Bandyopadhyay, 535–549. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
Frank, S.A. 1998. Foundations of social evolution. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Gaertner, L., C. Sedikides, H. Cai, and J.D. Brown. 2010. It’s not WEIRD, it’s WRONG: When researchers overlook uNderlying genotypes, they will not detect universal processes. The Behavioral and Brain Sciences 33 (2/3): 33–34.
Galanter, J.M., C.R. Gignoux, S.S. Oh, D. Torgerson, M. Pino-Yanes, N. Thakur, C. Eng, D. Hu, S. Huntsman, H.J. Farber, P.C. Avila, E. Brigino-Buenaventura, M.A. LeNoir, K. Meade, D. Serebrisky, W. Rodríguez-Cintrón, R. Kumar, J.R. Rodríguez-Santana, M.A. Seibold, L.N. Borrell, E.G. Burchard, and N. Zaitlen. 2017. Differential methylation between ethnic sub-groups reflects the effect of genetic ancestry and environmental exposures. eLife 6.
Gangestad, S.W., M.G. Haselton, and D.M. Buss. 2006. Evolutionary foundations of cultural variation: Evoked culture and mate preference. Psychological Inquiry 17: 75–95.
Gardner, A., S.A. West, and G. Wild. 2011. The genetical theory of kin selection. Journal of Evolutionary Biology 24 (5): 1020–1043.
Godfrey-Smith, P. 2008. Varieties of population structure and the levels of selection. British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 59: 25–50.
Goodman, S.N., and R. Royall. 1988. Evidence and scientific research. American Journal of Public Health 78 (12): 1568–1574.
Gowdy, J., J.B. Rosser Jr., and L. Roy. 2013. The evolution of hyperbolic discounting: Implications for truly social valuation of the future. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 90S: S94–S104.
Grafen, A. 2006. Optimization of inclusive fitness. Journal of Theoretical Biology 238: 541–563.
Griffin, A.S., and S.A. West. 2002. Kin selection: Fact and fiction. Trends in Ecology and Evolution 17: 15–21.
Griffiths, P., and R.D. Gray. 1994. Developmental systems and evolutionary explanation. The Journal of Philosophy 91 (6): 277–304.
Griffiths, P., and K. Stotz. 2018. Developmental systems theory as a process theory. In Everything flows: Towards a processual philosophy of biology, ed. D.J. Nicholson and J. Dupre, 225–245. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Hamilton, W. 1964. The Genetical theory of social behavior. Journal of Theoretical Biology 7: 1–52.
Hausman, D.M. 1992. The inexact and separate science of economics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hausman, D.M. 2012. Preference, value, choice, and welfare. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Henrich, J. 2000. Does culture matter in economic behavior? Ultimatum game bargaining among the Machiguenga of the Peruvian Amazon. American Economic Review 90 (4): 973–979.
Henrich, J. 2015. The secret of our success: How culture is driving human evolution, domesticating our species, and making us smarter. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Henrich, J. 2020. The WEIRDest people in the world. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Henrich, J., R. Boyd, S. Bowles, C. Camerer, E. Fehr, H. Gintis, and R. McElreath. 2001. In search of Homo Economicus: Behavioral experiments in 15 small-scale societies. The American Economic Review 91 (2): 73–78.
Henrich, J., R. Boyd, S. Bowles, C. Camerer, E. Fehr, H. Gintis, R. McElreath, M. Alvard, A. Barr, J. Ensminger, N.S. Henrich, K. Hill, F. Gil-White, M. Gurven, F.W. Marlowe, J.Q. Patton, and D. Tracer. 2005. “Economic man” in cross-cultural perspective: Behavioral experiments in 15 small-scale societies. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 28 (6): 795–815.
Henrich, J., S.J. Heine, and A. Norenzayan. 2010. The weirdest people in the world? The Behavioral and Brain Sciences 33 (2–3): 61–83 discussion 83-135.
Henrich, J., and R. McElreath. 2007. Dual-inheritance theory: The evolution of human cultural capacities and cultural evolution. In The Oxford handbook of evolutionary psychology, ed. R. Dunbar and L. Barrett, 555–570. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Heyes, C.M. 2018. Cognitive gadgets: The cultural evolution of thinking. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Hintze, A., and R. Hertwig. 2016. The evolution of generosity in the ultimatum game. Scientific Reports 6: 34102.
Hitchcock, C., and E. Sober. 2004. Prediction versus accommodation and the risk of overfitting. The British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 55 (1): 1–34.
Hittinger, C.T., and S.B. Carroll. 2007. Gene duplication and the adaptive evolution of a classic genetic switch. Nature 449 (7163): 677–681.
Kenrick, D.T., J.M. Sundie, and R. Kurzban. 2008. Cooperation and conflict between kith, kin, and strangers: Game theory by domains. In Foundations of evolutionary psychology, ed. C. Crawford and D. Krebs. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Kenrick, D.T., and J.M. Sundieb. 2005. How do cultural variations emerge from universal mechanisms? The Behavioral and Brain Sciences 28 (6): 827–828.
Knobe, J. 2019. Philosophical intuitions are surprisingly robust across Democraphic differences. Epistemology & Philosophy of Science 56 (2): 29–36.
Lieder, F., and T.L. Griffiths. 2019. Resource-rational analysis: Understanding human cognition as the optimal use of limited computational resources. The Behavioral and Brain Sciences 43:e1. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0140525X1900061X.
Macfarlan, S.J., and R.J. Quinlan. 2008. Kinship, family, and gender effects in the ultimatum game. Human Nature 19 (3): 294–309.
Machery, E. 2010. Explaining why experimental behavior varies across cultures: A missing step in “the weirdest people in the world?”. Behavioral & Brain Sciences 33 (2/3): 41–42.
Machery, E., & Stich, S. (Forthcoming). Demographic Differences in Philosophical Intuition: A reply to Joshua Knobe.
Markman, A., S. Blok, J. Dennis, M. Goldwater, K. Kim, J. Laux, et al. 2005. Culture and individual differences. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 28: 831–831.
Mas-Colell, A., M.D. Whinston, and J.R. Green. 1996. Microeconomic theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Massimi, M. 2018. Four kinds of perspectival truth. Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 96 (2): 342–359.
Mikhail, J. 2011. Elements of moral cognition: Rawls’ linguistic analogy and the cognitive science of moral and legal judgment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Mitchell, S. 2003. Biological complexity and integrative pluralism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Nichols, S. 2004. Sentimental rules: On the natural foundations of moral judgment. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Okasha, S. 2006. Evolution and the levels of selection. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Parker, W. 2020. Model evaluation: An adequacy-for-purpose view. Philosophy of Science 87 (3): 457–477.
Penke, L. 2010. Bridging the gap between modern evolutionary psychology and the study of individual differences. In The evolution of personality and individual differences, ed. D.M. Buss and P.H. Hawley, 243–279. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Piccinini, G., and A. Schulz. 2019. The ways of altruism. Evolutionary Psychological Science 5: 58–70.
Potochnik, A. 2010. Explanatory Independence and epistemic interdependence: A case study of the optimality approach. The British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 61 (1): 213–233.
Rochefort-Maranda, G. 2016. Simplicity and model selection. European Journal for Philosophy of Science 6 (2): 261–279.
Royall, R. 1997. Statistical evidence – A likelihood paradigm. Boca Raton, FL: Chapman and Hall.
Rubin, H. 2018. The debate over inclusive fitness as a debate over methodologies. Philosophy of Science 85 (1): 1–30.
Ruiz, N., and A. Schulz. (forthcoming). Microfoundations and methodology: A complexity-based reconceptualization of the debate. British Journal for the Philosophy of Science.
Schulz, A. 2018a. By genes alone: A model selectionist argument for genetical explanations of cooperation in non-human organisms. Biology and Philosophy 32: 951–967.
Schulz, A. 2018b. Efficient cognition: The evolution of representational decision making. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Schwarz, G. 1978. Estimating the dimension of a model. Annals of Statistics 6: 461–465.
Smith, R.J. 1992. Non-nested tests for competing models estimated by generalized method of moments. Econometrica 60 (4): 973–980.
Sober, E. 1988. Reconstructing the past: Parsimony, evolution, and inference. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Sober, E., and D.S. Wilson. 1998. Unto others: The evolution and psychology of unselfish behavior. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Sripada, C.S. 2008. Nativism and moral psychology. In Moral psychology, volume 1: The evolution of morality, ed. W. Sinnott-Armstrong, 319–343. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Starmans, C., and O. Friedman. 2020. Expert or esoteric? Philosophers attribute knowledge differently than all other academics. Cognitive Science 44 (e12850): e12850.
Stone, M. 1974. Cross-Validictory choice and assessment of statistical predictions (with Diosciussioon). Journal of the Royal Statistical Society B, 36: 111–147.
Stone, M. 1977. An Asumptotic equivalence of choice of model by cross-validation and Akaike's criterion. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society B 39: 44–47.
Thomas, M.G., T. Ji, J. Wu, Q. He, Y. Tao, and R. Mace. 2018. Kinship underlies costly cooperation in Mosuo villages. Royal Society Open Science 5 (2).
Tooby, J., and L. Cosmides. 1992. The psychological foundations of culture. In The adapted mind, ed. J. Barkow, L. Cosmides, and J. Tooby, 19–136. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
West, S.A., C. El Mouden, and A. Gardner. 2011. Sixteen common misconceptions about the evolution of cooperation in humans. Evolution and Human Behavior 32 (4): 231–262.
West, S.A., A.S. Griffin, and A. Gardner. 2007. Social semantics: Altruism, cooperation, mutualism, strong reciprocity and group selection. Journal of Evolutionary Biology 20 (2): 415–432.
West, S.A., A.S. Griffin, and A. Gardner. 2008. Social semantics: How useful has group selection been? Journal of Evolutionary Biology 21 (1): 374–385.
White, R. 2003. The epistemic advantage of prediction over accommodation. Mind 112 (448): 653–683.
Zucchini, W. 2000. An introduction to model selection. Journal of Mathematical Psychology 44: 41–61.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank two anoymous referees for this journal for helpful comments on a previous draft of this paper.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Additional information
Publisher’s Note
Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Rights and permissions
About this article
Cite this article
W. Schulz, A. Explaining Human Diversity: the Need to Balance Fit and Complexity. Rev.Phil.Psych. 14, 457–475 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13164-021-00582-1
Accepted:
Published:
Issue Date:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s13164-021-00582-1