Abstract

Possessives are “complex” DPs: they involve two distinct nominal expressions as components.1 In this paper I address the issue of characterizing the nature of the syntactic relation holding between these two nominal expressions in possessives whose possessum is arguably not a syntactic argument-taking category. This task can be divided into two parts: (i) providing an account of what licenses the insertion of the possessor in the derivation of possessive DPs and (ii) accounting for any further steps in the syntactic derivation which lead to the structure which undergoes Spell-Out. With respect to (i), I argue in favor of the proposal in (den Dikken, 1998) that in possessive DPs of the type considered here the possessor is licensed as complement of an empty preposition in the PP predicate of a small clause whose subject is the possessum. I provide some empirical support for this position using agreement data from Maasai. With respect to (ii), I depart from den Dikken’s proposal. I argue that prenominal possessors in English are not derived by DP-internal Predicate Inversion and outline two alternative analyses for the derivation of possessives in languages with prenominal possessors. Finally, I address the issue whether the postnominal position of possessors in Maasai is the product of further movement operations preceding Spell-Out or rather reflects the absence of overt syntactic derivation.