European Journal of Political Theory 16 (2):188-209 (2017)

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Abstract
This article defends state sovereignty as necessary for a form of popular sovereignty capable of realising the republican value of non-domination and argues it remains achievable and normatively warranted in an interconnected world. Many scholars, including certain republicans, contend that the external sovereignty of states can no longer be maintained or justified in such circumstances. Consequently, we must abandon the sovereignty of states and reconceive popular sovereignty on a different basis. Some argue sovereignty must be displaced upwards to a more global state, while others advocate it be vertically and horizontally dispersed to units below, across and above the state. Each group offers a related vision of the European Union to illustrate their proposals. Both these arguments are criticised as more likely to produce than reduce domination because neither can sustain a form of popular sovereignty capable of instantiating relations of non-domination. This article proposes the alternative of a republican association of sovereign states that allows sovereign states and their peoples to mutually regulate their external sovereignty in non-dominating ways. This alternative proposal provides a more plausible and defensible means for sustaining the requisite kind of popular sovereignty in contemporary conditions and a more appropriate vision of the European Union.
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DOI 10.1177/1474885116654389
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References found in this work BETA

The Law of Peoples.John Rawls - 1993 - Critical Inquiry 20 (1):36-68.
A Republican Law of Peoples.Philip Pettit - 2010 - European Journal of Political Theory 9 (1):70-94.
Democracy's Domain.David Miller - 2009 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 37 (3):201-228.

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Citations of this work BETA

A Normative Foundation for Statism.Patrick Taylor Smith - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-22.
A Normative Foundation for Statism.Patrick Taylor Smith - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (4):532-553.

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