Scope dominance with monotone quantifiers over finite domains


Abstract
We characterize pairs of monotone generalized quantifiers Q1 and Q2 over finite domains that give rise to an entailment relation between their two relative scope construals. This relation between quantifiers, which is referred to as scope dominance, is used for identifying entailment relations between the two scopal interpretations of simple sentences of the form NP1–V–NP2. Simple numerical or set-theoretical considerations that follow from our main result are used for characterizing such relations. The variety of examples in which they hold are shown to go far beyond the familiar existential-universal type
Keywords Ambiguity  inference  monotonicity  natural language  quantifier  scope  under-specification
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DOI 10.1007/s10849-004-2112-z
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References found in this work BETA

Polyadic Quantifiers.Johan Van Benthem - 1989 - Linguistics and Philosophy 12 (4):437-464.
Polyadic Quantifiers.Johan Benthem - 1989 - Linguistics and Philosophy 12 (4):437 - 464.
Scope Dominance with Upward Monotone Quantifiers.Alon Altman, Ya'Acov Peterzil & Yoad Winter - 2005 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 14 (4):445-455.
Scopeless Quantifiers and Operators.Thomas Ede Zimmermann - 1993 - Journal of Philosophical Logic 22 (5):545 - 561.

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Citations of this work BETA

Scope Dominance with Upward Monotone Quantifiers.Alon Altman, Ya'Acov Peterzil & Yoad Winter - 2005 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 14 (4):445-455.
General Patterns of Opposition Squares and 2n-Gons.Ka-fat Chow - 2012 - In J.-Y. Beziau & Dale Jacquette (eds.), Around and Beyond the Square of Opposition. Birkhäuser. pp. 263--275.

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