Throughout the 19th. century and at the beginning of the 20th various European states, including those of Britain, Germany, France and Belgium, undertook fairly similar measures affecting women. These had a bearing on their civic status, political rights and rights at work.The aim of this study is to seek a pattern of these farms of intervention. Though the case of Belgium is used to illustrate this proposed pattern, it can be held valid for other European countries, despite slight differences in (...) their application or the fact that these steps took place at varying dates according to the precise stage of development of the countries concerned. (shrink)

This article concerns the study of the agricultural policy of the Belgian State in the period of 1844-1845. Behind the technical formulations of diverse and even contradictory laws and regulations, the interest is to reveal the political and economical interests and strategies of the main political actors. This period is at the end of the well-known belgian "Unionism" that means the alliance of the dominant farces, catholics and liberals. The study shows that this period is not exempt of conflicts between (...) those farces, with behind them respectively agricultural and industrial interests, with a more predominant wheight of the latters than the usual theory of modernization usually had assessed. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to provide some historical insights about the origins of the three traditional Belgian politica[ families from the independance of the country to 1914. It shows the dynamic of a growing institutional stratification, due to the competition between the different families, trying to take the popular masses in charge, or by manipulation or by self representation. By that way, this research does put the historical basis of the problem of the movement for the fusion of (...) the «progressists» and the trade unions fronts. (shrink)

This analysis concentrates on the linguistic laws of1921 and 1932 concerning the linguistic statuts of the civil servants, and on their contribution to the quest for political identity of Flanders. It exhibits the real political signification of the parliamentary debates on unilinguism and bilinguism. This debate is in the same time paradoxical and instructive for the future of the country. The paradox is that the Flemish circles were in favour of the bilinguism of the civil servants, and the Frenchspeakings for (...) the other solution. The unilinguist solution which was decided will certainly f acilitate the federalization of the civil services beginning in the sixties. In fact, every solution was in favour of Flanders: either the bilinguism would increase the number of Flemish civil servants, either the unilinguism would create the bases for Flemish own civil services. (shrink)