Tasavvuf erbâbı tabîatleri gereği mâddî unsurlardan ziyâde mânevî değerleri muhafaza etmeye ve geliştirmeye çalışırlar. Fakat tasavvufî çevrelerin sosyal bir yapıya bürünmeleriyle berâber düşüncelerini ve değerlerini sembolize etmek için mâddî bir kısım edevât da kullanmışlardır. Bunların başında keşkül, teber, tahta kılıç, asâ, gül, hırka gibi unsular gelir. Bu çalışmamızda dervîşlerin kullandıkları mâddî edevâttan birisi olan tahta kılıç ve ifâde ettiği mânâlara bakacağız ve örnekler üzerinden tahlîl etmeye çalışacağız. Tasavvuf ehli tahta kılıç ile ilgili bir hadîs-i şerîfden yola çıkarak mânevî bir disiplin, (...) ahlakî bir prensip ve nefsânî bir terbiye metodu ortaya koymuşlardır. Yeri geldiğinde cihâd ve mücâhede için zāhir kılıcının yanı sıra bâtın kılıcını kullanmışlardır. Manevî kılıcı sembolize eden tahta kılıcın kullanımına dâir tespit ettiğimiz ilk örnek sahābe döneminde Muhammed b. Mesleme’ye aittir. Yaygın bir şekilde kullanımı ise 1200’lü yıllarda büyük tarîkatların kurulduğu dönemde yânî Abbâsî hilâfeti döneminde olmuştur. Memlüklü dönemi kaynaklarından okuduğumuz kadarıyla Yûsuf Selahaddîn-i Eyyûbî ve berâberindeki kalabalık dervîş gurubu bu unsuru yaygın olarak kullanmışladır. Yûsuf Selahaddîn Eyyûbî’nin hem Bağdâd’ta iken hem de Mısır’a sefer düzenlerken berâberindeki kalabalık derviş gurubuyla birlikte zikirler eşliğinde tahta kılıçla yürüdükleri kaydedilmiştir. Bektâşî Velâyetnâmelerinde Anadolu Selçukluları döneminde yaşayan Hacı Bektâş-i Velî’nin himmetleriyle Saru Saltuk’un tahta kılıç kullanarak mânevî bir savaş verdiğini görüyoruz. Velâyet-nâmelerde tahta kılıç kullanımına dâir pek çok örnek vardır. 20 yüzyılda da pek çok dergâh ve câmîde bu tür bir kılıcın sembolik olarak kullanıldığını bizzât müşâhede ettik. (shrink)

Kasım 2002 yılında iktidara gelen Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin (AK Parti) dış politikasında Somali'nin özel bir yeri bulunmaktadır. Türkiye'nin Somali ile ilişkileri, dönemin başbakanı olan Türkiye Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan'ın 19 Ağustos 2011 yılında şiddetli kuraklıktan ve iç savaştan etkilenen Somalilere destek olmak amacı ile bu ülkeye düzenlediği resmi ziyaretin ardından gelişmeye başlamıştır. 2011'den sonra Türkiye, Somali'ye en büyük insani yardım kampanyalarından birini başlatmıştır. Türkiye, Somali'de sadece bir yumuşak güç politikası geliştirmekle kalmamış, aynı zamanda bir sert güç politikası da uygulamaya (...) başlamıştır. Bu kapsamda Türkiye, 2012 yılından bu yana hem Ankara’da hem de Mogadişu'da yüzlerce Somalili asker ve polise eğitim vermektedır. Aynı zamanda Türkiye, 2017 yılında yurtdışındaki Türkiye’nin en büyük askeri üssünü Somali'de açtı. Bu araştırma, Türkiye'nin Somali'de güvenlik politikasını derinleştirmesinin ardındaki nedenleri ve dinamikleri incelemekte ve Türkiye'nin güvenlik politikasının Somali için ne anlama geldiğini tartışmaktadır. Araştırma, sosyo-kültürel, ekonomik ve jeopolitik dahil olmak üzere Türkiye'nin Somali'ye yönelik güvenlik politikasını yönlendiren faktörlerin bir kombinasyonu olduğunu savunuyor. Bu çalışma, kavramsal ve teorik perspektifler kullanarak Türkiye'nin güvenlik politikasını bütüncül bir yaklaşımla incelemektedir. (shrink)

Formalised knowledge systems, including universities and research institutes, are important for contemporary societies. They are, however, also arguably failing humanity when their impact is measured against the level of progress being made in stimulating the societal changes needed to address challenges like climate change. In this research we used a novel futures-oriented and participatory approach that asked what future envisioned knowledge systems might need to look like and how we might get there. Findings suggest that envisioned future systems will need (...) to be much more collaborative, open, diverse, egalitarian, and able to work with values and systemic issues. They will also need to go beyond producing knowledge about our world to generating wisdom about how to act within it. To get to envisioned systems we will need to rapidly scale methodological innovations, connect innovators, and creatively accelerate learning about working with intractable challenges. We will also need to create new funding schemes, a global knowledge commons, and challenge deeply held assumptions. To genuinely be a creative force in supporting longevity of human and non-human life on our planet, the shift in knowledge systems will probably need to be at the scale of the enlightenment and speed of the scientific and technological revolution accompanying the second World War. This will require bold and strategic action from governments, scientists, civic society and sustained transformational intent. (shrink)

Qaṣeeda-i Burdah written by Egyptian sufi poet Busīrī (d. 695/1296) as an eulogy for Beloved Messenger Moḥammed has received great attention in the Islamic world. This work has been recited both in cultural/social ceremonies such as weddings, holidays and funerals. On the other hand, it was also annotated, translated, and takhmīs, tesdīs, tesbī‘ and taşṭīr were written to it by the pen of scholars and litterateurs in literary circles. These activities, which have been carried out over and over again, has (...) been going on from the 15th century to the present day. Not only the reputed people, but also unknown ones or ones whose names were later forgotten have tried to translate it to their own language. The subject of the study is one of this type of poetic translations of the eulogy. Like its translator, date of this poetic translation is also unknown. This work was written in the remel baḥr type of ‘arūż in 162 verses using the spelling of the classical period. Although a significant portion of the rhyme words was adapted from the source text, it has a more understandable style than its counterpart. In terms of poetry, it is above the average. The translator decorated the meaning that he borrowed from the original text with his own poetic ability and tried to express it in a unique manner. For this aim, it is more literary, lyrical and successful than most other translations of Qaṣeeda-i Burdah. In the present study, text of the mentioned work was given with transcription along with mentioning of some of its features. Summary: Qaṣeeda-i Burdah written by Egyptian sufi poet Buṣīrī (d. 695/1296) has an important place in the Islamic world. Named by the poet himself as al-Kavākib-al-durriya fī madḥi khayr-al-bariyya, this work is also known as al-Qaṣeedat-al-mīmiyya since its rhyme letter is Arabic mim, as Qaṣeeda-i Bur’ah since it caused Buṣīrī to recover from a disease, as Qaṣeeda-i Burdah due to the rumor that this event took place while he was wearing a coat by the hands of Beloved Messenger Moḥammed. In order to prevent confusion with the eulogy of Ka‘b b. Zuhayr (d. 24/645) with the same name, it is known in cultural circles as Qaṣeeda-i Bur’ah. However, in literature, it is commonly referred as Qaṣeeda-i Burdah. The work was written in simple baḥr style of ‘arūż, and consists of 161 couplets. It has ten sections in terms of its content: longing for the beloved, complaining about the soul, eulogy for Beloved Messenger Moḥammed, his birth, miracles, dignity of the Holy Qur’ān, miracle of mi‘rāc, importance of jihad, sorrow, hope, prayer and request. The eulogy, which has an effective style, has gained great acclaim in the Islamic geography and has been read for various purposes for centuries. Some people recite it in wedding ceremonies, while some others use it in funerals. The sick people recite it with the hope of healing, while calligraphers wrote it for practice.Owing its fame more to its story rather than its value of art, the eulogy was translated into Eastern languages such as Persian, Malay, Pashto, Punjabi, Turkish and Urdu, as well as into Western languages such as German, French, Greek, English, Spanish, Italian and Latin. In addition, many annotations, footnotes, takhmīs, tesdīs, tesbī‘, taşṭīr and replies were written to it. For example, the poem annotated in Arabic by Ebū Shāme al-Maqdisī (d. 665/1266), Khalid b. ‘Abdullah al-Ezherī (d. 905/1499), Ibrahim b. Moḥammed al-Bacurī (d. 1277/1860), ‘Omer b. Aḥmed al-Ḥarpuṭī (d. 1299/1882) was translated into Persian by the men of letters such as Molla Ḥafıẓ Sharaf (d. after 810/1407), ‘Iṣāmuddin b. ‘Arabshah al-Isfarayinī (d. 945/1538), ‘Ali b. Ḥasan Zavareī (d. 968/1560). The work was annotated by Le‘alī Aḥmed b. Muṣṭafa (d. 971/1563), Sayyid Ḥasan b. ‘Abdurraḥman (d. 1071/1661), Naẓifī Ismail Aqḥiṣarī (d. after 1205/1790), Shaykh-al-Islam Makkī Meḥmed (d. 1212/1797), Moḥammed b. Fayżullah (d. 1231/1816), Moḥammed b. Aḥmed (d. 1318/1900), Anqara Governor ‘Abidin Pasha (d. 1324/1906) in Turkish language. Takhmīs was written to the work by poets such as Ṭashkoprizade Kemaleddin (d. 1030/1621) Khocazāde Asad (d. 1034/1625), Sayyid Moḥammed Sharifī (d. 1040/1631), Shaykh-al-Islam Yahya (d. 1053/1644), Suleyman Naḥifī (d. 1151/1738), ‘Abdullah Ṣalaḥī (d. 1197/1783), Shaykh-al-Islam Makkī Meḥmed, Mollacıqzāde Raif (d. 1238/1823), Muṣṭafa Maqṣud (d. 1258/1843), Yemliḥazāde Muṣṭafa (d. 1294/1878), Meḥmed Said Pasha (d. 1308/1892), Moḥammed Favzī (d. 1318/1900) while Ismail Mufid (d. 1217/1803) wrote tesdīs and Niyazī-i Mıṣrī (d. 1105/1694) wrote tesbī‘ to it.The work was translated into Turkish language by poets such as ‘Abdurraḥim Qaraḥiṣarī (d. after 888/1483), Kemal Pashazāde (d. 940/1534), Ahmed-i Rıḍvan (d. before 945/1538) Le‘alī Aḥmed b. Muṣṭafa, Shamsaddin Sivasī (d. 1006/1597), Kemalatī Meḥmed (d. before 1015/1606), Esasī (d. before 1041/1631), Sayyid Ḥusayin (d. after 1050/1641), Mehmed Ṭalib (d. 1089/1679), Sukutī Meḥmed (d. 1103/1691), ‘Abdulhay Jalvatī (d. 1117/1705), Sulayman Naḥifī, ‘Abdullah Ḥulvanī (d. 1159/1746), Aḥmed ‘Arifī (d. after 1195/1781), ‘Abdullah Ṣalaḥī, Ismail Mufid, Sivaslı Aḥmed Suzī (d. 1246/1830), Evranyali ‘Abdurraḥim (d. 1282/1865), Meḥmed Said Pasha, Qonyalı Fakhreddin (d. 1365/1950), Sazai Qaraqoç (d. 1933), Ilhan Armutchuoghlu (d. 1937), Maḥmut Qaya (d. 1945), but there are also translations whose translators are unknown. The present study deals with such a translation of the work. To our best knowledge, the translation that has not been paid much attention by scholars to date and was mentioned only by Ṣadıq Yazar. Even he articulated only a few sentences about the translation based on a deficient copy of the work. Both in the library records and in its copies, there was no information about the translator and the translation date of the work. The translation, which beginns directly without a section such as an introduction at the opening, was written in 162 verses with the spelling of the classical period. It has a remel baḥr style of ‘arūż structure with fā‘ilātun fā‘ilātun fā‘ilātun fā‘ilun rhythm. Although it has some ‘arūż mistakes, it can be said that it is successful in terms of rhythm. Using the source text rhyme of mīm letter, the translator directly adapted some rhyme words from the Arabic text, while converting some others to appropriate Turkish words. Although he used some of them only once, he used some others several times. This finding implies that the translator may have had difficulties in finding words for the rhyme. It is noteworthy that he used some of those words in different meanings, and he employed 99 different rhymes in 162 couplets. The translator used the original text for purposes other than the rhyme words. He used some words directly without translating them or only removed the ḥarf-i ta‘rif. He transformed some words to others with the same stem or to their counterparts in Persian. While converting some of the phrases to forms suitable for the structure of the Turkish language using various practices, he used the old Anatolian Turkish as well as living Turkish. Like Buṣīrī’s eulogy, the poem, which consists of 10 parts in terms of contents, is suitable for the contents of the source text, but it is not a literal translation. The translator, who cared about literary rhetoric, largely preserved or even contributed to the harmony elements of the text. He reinterpreted the meaning of Buṣīrī’s work using his poetry skills, and produced a successful translation in terms of poetry with minimal rhyme flaws. Considering other translations of Qaṣeeda-i Burdah, the translation has similarities with that by Uskudarlı ‘Abdulhay Jalvatī in terms of rhyme letter, with that by Sayyid Husayin Amasī in terms of rhyme, and with that by Ismail Mufid Afandi in terms of direct adaptation of some words in original text, while it has common characteristics with the translation by Naḥifī in terms of both rhyme letter and direct adaptation of most rhyme words from the original text. On the other hand, the translation has similarities with the translations by Kemal Pashazāde, Ahmed-i Rıḍvan, Esasī Afandi, ‘Abdullah Ṣalaḥī and Na‘imī in terms of rhyme letter, rhyme and adaptation of most rhyme words from the original text. However, it is simpler compared to the translation by Kemal Pashazāde, more loyal to the content of original text compared to the translation by Ahmed-i Rıḍvan and more robust in terms of rhyme compared to the translation by Na‘imī. (shrink)