Modern social orders are legitimized by the ideal of freedom. Most conceptions of this ideal are theorized against the backdrop of nature understood as governed by its own laws beyond the realm of the social. However, such an understanding of nature is now being challenged by the ‘Anthropocene’ hypothesis. This article investigates the consequences of this hypothesis for freedom as an ideal legitimizing social order. We begin by discussing the conception of legitimation, after which we examine three classical notions of (...) freedom (developed by Hobbes, Kant, and Hegel), in light of the Anthropocene. Following our claim that these notions all have severe weaknesses in view of the Anthropocene, we argue that modern social orders are facing a new legitimation crisis. Such a crisis, we suggest, involves a ‘brutalization of social conflicts’, which under the conditions of the Anthropocene assumes the form of geo-social conflict. (shrink)

En este trabajo proponemos examinar una doble exigencia formulada por Kant en El conflicto de las Facultades –a saber, la exigencia de libertad y la exigencia del orden–, a fin de señalar la premisa básica subyacente a dicha exigencia, esto es: la idea de que el orden público constituye la condición fundamental para la preservación del estado civil, entendido como el único estado en el que los hombres pueden ejercer plenamente su derecho innato a la libertad. Atendiendo a este objetivo, (...) examinaremos el modo en que Kant caracteriza la contienda entre las Facultades, destacando el sentido eminentemente político del conflicto, y analizaremos la función específica que asigna a cada una de las Facultades, haciendo especial énfasis en la determinación de los límites establecidos para el libre ejercicio de la razón filosófica. (shrink)

En este trabajo analizamos dos defi niciones kantianas de la libertad política que han sido consideradas como defi niciones antagónicas: una de ellas parece aproximar a Kant a la corriente del liberalismo moderno; la otra daría lugar, en cambio, a una interpretación republicana del pensamiento político kantiano. El análisis de ambas definiciones permitirá mostrar que éstas no resultan necesariamente incompatibles. In this paper we shall analyze two Kantian defi nitions of political freedom which have been considered mutually exclusive: one of (...) them would allow us to consider Kant as an exponent of the liberal tradition; the other would lead to a republican interpretation of Kant's political thought. The analysis of both defi nitions will show that they are notnecessarily incompatible. (shrink)

Kant considera que las disposiciones específicas de la especie humana sólo pueden desarrollarse plenamente en un Estado con una constitución justa. Tales disposiciones son la técnica, la pragmática y la moral. Mostraremos de qué manera la existencia de un Estado justo fomenta y asegura el desarrollo de esas disposiciones. En Idea para una historia universal en intención cosmopolita (1784), Kant sostiene que una constitución totalmente justa es solamente una idea de la razón práctica a la que debemos aproximarnos asintóticamente. La (...) realización integral de esta constitución es imposible. En cambio, en Hacia la paz perpetua (1795), Kant presenta una concepción de las repúblicas como Estados justos, realizables y pacíficos. Mientras que en el texto de 1784 la disposición moral es una condición de posibilidad de un Estado justo, en la obra de 1795 un Estado republicano es una condición de fomento de la moralidad de los ciudadanos. (shrink)

The subject of this article is the analysis of the concept of freedom as one of the fundamental issues of political thought in Kant’s philosophy. Given Isaiah Berlin’s typology of the negative and positive conceptions of freedom in the history of philosophy, this article examines Kant’s position on freedom in the form of the above two conceptions. In Kant’s view, moral action is a practice with a purely moral motive and respect for the moral law, without the accompaniment of human (...) desires. There is a kind of opposition between moral inclinations and motivation in Kant’s moral theory. In Kant’s view, freedom means the abandonment of desires and the fulfillment of moral duty. In his view, inner tendencies act as internal barriers to moral action and‌ freedom, and must be eliminated or at least controlled. The concept of freedom has a central place in Kant’s moral theory, as freedom is the product of obedience to moral duties, and this positive concept, contrary to Berlin’s claim, does not lead to tyranny. (shrink)

Este trabajo se propone abordar la influencia ejercida por Rousseau en el pensamiento práctico kantiano. En lugar de ser una influencia de índole metódica (Newton) o epistemológica (Hume), la influencia de Rousseau fue esencialmente moral y, gracias ella, lo práctico –tal y como es concebido en el “Canon de la razón pura”- adquirió una importancia superlativa en el conjunto general del sistema kantiano. La tesis que se sostiene a lo largo del estudio es que Rousseau, más que Hume y Newton, (...) brindó la pauta para la constitución final del sistema filosófico de Kant. (shrink)

Why is it that some business managers appear to behave differently in private and at work? How, if at all, are the decisions managers make affected by the nature of their organisations? What impact do organisational values have on the moral autonomy of managers? A research project into these questions is now under way in three disparate Australian business firms and this paper sets out the premise underlying it. For purposes of research the general premise is that the moral character (...) of a business influences the moral judgements and actions of its members. More specifically, it is suggested that the economic paradigm renders a business organisation amoral rather than moral or immoral, and as a result moral responsibility comes to be assigned to individual members. However, the socio-cultural nature of such firms interferes with the ability of managers to exercise moral autonomy. Governed as it is by the market or laws of economics, the amoral organisation is likely to transform its members into individuals without moral standards. (shrink)

In the health care professions, the meaning of—and implications for—‘dignity’ and ‘value’ are progressively more important, as scholars and practitioners increasingly have to make value judgments when making care decisions. This paper looks at the various arguments for competing sources of human value that medical professionals can consider—human rights, autonomy, and a higher-order moral value—and settles upon a foundational model that is related to the Kantian model that is popular within the medical community: human value is foundational; human dignity, autonomy, (...) and rights derive from the relational quality of human dignity. Moral dignity is expressed though the relationships we cultivate, the communal ends we pursue, and the rights we enjoy. Correlatively, human dignity is inseparable from its ground, and the relationship between these two is best represented for Kant in the humanities formulation. The foundational model of dignity ensures that human value is non-circularly derived, but is ultimately tied to expressions of individual human dignity that comes from the dignity of morality. Linking Kant’s dignity of humanity to the dignity of morality affords a unique and efficacious response to the discussion of human value. In one sense, dignity is amplificatory, since its worth is inextricable with that of autonomy and the rights afforded to the autonomous. But that isn’t to say that the worth of dignity is merely amplificatory. Rather, human dignity indicates the absolute inner value found in each individual in virtue of being human. That inner worth engenders certain universal rights—derivable from the dignity and fundamental rational appeal of morality—just as it provides for the possibility for a community of beings to seek to live the moral life. (shrink)

The paper analyzes Kant’s conception of Enlightenment, as it is presented in the 1784 essay An answer to the question: What is Enlightenment?, and considers the notion of enlightenment of the people, discussed by the philosopher in The contest of the Faculties, by contrasting his position with that of other Enlightened authors. This analysis not only attempts to clarify the reformist premises implicit in Kant’s concept of Enlightenment but also intends to explain the specific role that he assigns to intellectuals (...) in the progress of the Enlightened project. (shrink)

El objetivo de este trabajo es examinar el modo en que Kant concibe la relación entre el derecho político, el derecho de gentes y el derecho cosmopolita, en dos de sus textos de madurez: Hacia la paz perpetua y La metafísica de las costumbre s. El análisis de esta cuestión no solo permite esclarecer principios fundamentales de su filosofía jurídico-política, sino que aporta además nociones relevantes para la actual discusión acerca de los derechos humanos, el cosmopolitismo y el derecho internacional; (...) temáticas que posicionan a Kant como uno de los autores modernos de mayor presencia en el marco del debate filosófico contemporáneo. En primer lugar, examinaré la posición asumida por el filósofo con respecto al intervencionismo, que resulta especialmente relevante para comprender la relación entre el derecho político y el derecho de gentes, ya que obliga a pensar el alcance y los límites del principio de soberanía estatal. En segundo lugar, haré referencia al modo en que este autor concibe la conexión entre el republicanismo y la institución de una comunidad jurídica internacional, e intentaré mostrar que se trata aquí de fines independientes —y a la vez, vinculados— a los que debemos aproximarnos en un proceso de perfeccionamiento gradual de las instituciones jurídicas. (shrink)