Ethics and ethical principles extend to all spheres of human activity. They apply to our dealings with each other, with animals and the environment. They should govern our interactions not only in conducting research but also in commerce, employment and politics. Ethics serve to identify good, desirable or acceptable conduct and provide reasons for those conclusions. Fair subject selection is the first and foremost concern which must be ensured before initiating a research project. Which subjects may enroll in the research (...) is determined by the study’s inclusion or exclusion criteria. One of the important aspects of fair subject selection is to have an oversight system through International Review Board (IRB) to review to conduct the research and to have approval whether subject selection is fair or not. (shrink)

Ibn al-Fārid, Muqadimāt fī al-taṣawwuf.--2. Abū al-ʻAlāʼ al-Maʻarrī fī Luzūmiyyātih.--3. Muqaddimat Ibn Khaldūn.--4. al-Ghazālī. 2 v.--5. Ibn Ṭufayl.--6. Ibn Rushd. 2 v.--7. Ikhwān al-Safāʼ--8. al-Kindī.--9. al-Farābī. 2 v.--10. Ibn Sīnā. 2 v.

This article examines the stance held by a Meccan-Indonesian exegete in the 13 AH or 19 AD century, Muḥammad Nawawī al-Bantānī (d. 1230–1314 H/1813–1897 AD), in dealing with Ṣifāt verses in his exegetical work, Marāḥ Labīd li Kashf Ma’nā al-Qur’ān al-Majīd. As an established term, Ṣifāt verses refer to Quranic expressions that ostensibly ascribe anthropomorphic dimensions to God. Interpretation of such ambiguous verses has been bitterly contended since the 2/8th century and remains one of the most debated topics in the (...) pre- and postmodern era. This study applies literature and document analysis focused on many of al-Bantānī’s works. The results show that al-Bantānī actively applied ta’wīl [figurative interpretation] in dealing with Ṣifāt verses without totally discarding amodality position [tafwīḍ].Contribution: Although al-Bantānī never mentioned Wahhabism in any of his works, his interpretation of Ṣifat verses alludes to his indirect response to the Wahhabi’s literalism and anti-ta’wīl approach. In addition, by accepting both of ta’wīl and tafwīḍ solutions, al-Bantānī underpinned the wasaṭī [moderate] stand, which later became the most distinctive tradition in Malay–Islamic discourse. (shrink)

This study contains a critical edition of Ibn al-Jawzī’s Kitāb Akhbār as-Sifāt along with an annotated translation and introduction. KAS is primarily a critique of anthropomorphic conceptions of God, directed against fellow Hanbalis and traditionalists generally. It sheds important new light on the intellectual fault-lines within medieval Hanbalism, and reveals the extent to which kalām had penetrated the school by the 12th century.

En su gran texto dedicado al amor — el capítulo 178 de _Las Iluminaciones de La Meca_—, Ibn ʿArabī comenta siete cualidades (_ṣ__ifāt_) que, según el Corán, suscitan el amor de Dios hacia los seres humanos. A lo largo de nuestro trabajo analizaremos el comentario akbarí y mostraremos cómo la clave para actualizar dichas cualidades consiste en_ hacer del propio ser un regalo de __amor_. O lo que es lo mismo: realizar un movimiento análogo al de Dios en cuanto que (...) El Omni-Compasivo (_al-Ra__ḥ__mān_), Quien a cada instante, de modo incondicional y sin esperar nada a cambio, asiste amorosamente a todas y cada una de Sus criaturas. (shrink)

This paper reveals the concept of ma'rifa developed by Ibn al-'Arabi (d.1260), , especially in his magnum opus, Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam, the late work considered to the synthesis of his doctrine of metaphysics represented through the wisdom of each prophet; their uniqueness of divinely inspired and their epitome of spiritual perception, concerning the knowledge of God. It shows the transformative role of the prophet’s messages involving in the deeper creative process of divine-human dialogue, calling and response, that is repeatedly mentioned in (...) the Qur’an. Ibn ‘Arabi emphasized the importance of perceiving the direct relationship between all of creation and the divine Names and Attributes (al-asmā’ wa-l-sifāt al-ilāhiyyah), between creation as outward manifestation and as inward spiritual awareness (rūh). Everything that exists and is experienced in reality is the manifestation (tajallī) of different divine Names. (shrink)

Since the spread of Islam in Transoxiana (Mā-warāʾ al-Nahr), religious understandings based on the opinions of Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 150/767) have always been dominant in the region. Therefore, it was not possible for other understandings, which may seem to be opposite to Abū Ḥanīfa’s opinions, to be influential in the region. That Najjāriyya and Karrāmiyya could not be perennial in the region may be an example of this case. Similarly, Māturīdiyya, which benefited from Abū Ḥanīfa’s treatises of creed and his (...) rational method, could not adequately get the support of people at the time of Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944) and Abū l-Muʿīn al-Nasafī (d. 508/1114) because the school was seen as an opposite approach to the prevailing imaginations about Abū Ḥanīfa. Moreover, the Ḥanafī jurists (Ḥanafī fuqahāʾ), who were influential in not only people but also bureaucracy, and the Ḥanafī theologians (Ḥanafī mutakallimūn), who followed al-Māturīdī’s theological method , did not come to terms on their interpretations of Abū Ḥanīfa. The Ḥanafī jurists who benefited mostly from juridical sources and manāqibworks were thinking different from the Ḥanafī theologians who relied on the treatises of Abū Ḥanīfa on such issues as the legitimacy of Kalām as a scholarly discipline, the responsibility of people of fatra(ahl al-fatra: people having no access to the message of Islam), and the creation of faith (īmān). The Ḥanafī jurists took different stance on various issues and argued that faith is not created; the informative (khabarī) attributes of God (ṣifāt Allāh) mentioned in the Qurʾān cannot be interpreted (taʾwīl); no one can be held accountable for faith only based on the intellect unless the message of the Prophet reaches to her or him; the people of fatracannot be responsible for faith. They also stated that Abū Ḥanīfa broke his relationship with the theological (kalāmī) issues in the last years of his life. Although these jurists accepted Abū Ḥanīfa’s distinction between faith and deeds and his view of the stability of one’s faith without increasing or decreasing they condemned theological discussions on these issues by going beyond the limits of the treatise of creed. While the Ḥanafī theologians known as the Ḥanafī scholars of Samarqand who adopted the religious views of Imām al-Māturīdī of Samarqand acknowledged the intellect and considered it as an independent source in religion, the Ḥanafī jurists known as the Ḥanafī scholars of Bukhārāauthorized the intellect only in understanding the transmission (naql) and its interpretation. The different opinions of the two groups can be seen clearly on the question of the religious responsibility of the people of fatra. When we look at the debates regarding Kalām and the Islamic law, we can see that the difference between these two cities (Samarqand and Bukhārā) stems from their methodological views on the epistemological values of the reason (ʿaql) and the transmission (tradition). Māturīdiyya is a school of theology established by the Ḥanafī theologians who upheld the necessity and significance of Kalām. It is possible to say that the Ḥanafī jurists did not contribute to the establishment and systematisation of this school; rather, they tried to prevent it. Our findings show that the Ḥanafī jurists who lived in Transoxiana differ from each other because of their different understandings of Abū Ḥanīfa. In the historical process extending today it is evident that the religious views of the Ḥanafī jurists and their interpretation of Abū Ḥanīfa have been prominent and effective, not that of Māturīdiyya, which is the understanding of the Ḥanafī theologians. (shrink)

Dear Readers,Welcome to this issue of our beloved Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics! In this sweltering heat we are all seeking for some cool and comfort. We bring this issue of BJB on different ethical practices and bring up related questions. Are we respecting the rights of every human being when we are either doing research or practicing health service provision? What are the minimum norms and standards to be maintained or are we circumventing those? The issue looks into different issues (...) and provides us with indepth information, queries, fears and reservations.In the article on Knowledge, attitude and practice of medical ethics among medical intern students in a Medical College in Kathmandu, Ramesh P Aacharyaand Yagya L Shakya, report on a Knowledge Attitude and Practice survey of 46 medical undergraduate interns of Maharajgunj Medical Campus. The result of the survey is quite interesting. ‘Doctors know the best irrespective of patients’ opinion was agreed upon by 35 %, ‘Confidentiality cannot be kept in modern era and should be abandoned’ was strongly disagreed by 34.8% and disagreed by 60.9%. The Authors hope that the findings will assist the faculties to strengthen the teaching of medical ethics and guiding the interns for ethical professional conduct. In the article titled Organizational Justice and Employee’s Service Behavior in the Healthcare Organizations in Bangladesh is an agenda for Research, Md. Nuruzzaman and Md. Humayun Kabir Talukder present a conceptual framework and a set of hypotheses regarding the relationships among distributive justice, procedural justice, interactional justice, employee’s citizenship behaviour, role prescribed behaviour and counterproductive behavior in the healthcare organizations in Bangladesh. The authors state that the purpose is to assist the policy makers and service providers in identifying desirable and undesirable HRM practices in order to maintain optimum level of employee commitment for ensuring quality and efficient service delivery to the communities. Though the article is theoretical it may be useful for the policy makers and service providers. If an operational research could be carried out to test the hypothesis the practical utility of the concept could be tested in Bangladesh.Zoheb Rafique in the article Ethical Justification of Conducting Research Trials in Lower and Middle Income Countries Including Pakistan: The Responsibilities of Research Enterprises explores the ethical aspects of research sponsored by commercial agencies. He looks into the factors that influence selection of a study site for a sponsored trial particularly in traditional countries like Pakistan where cultural values add to the problem in assuring that research is conducted in an ethical manner. In this paper, the Author discusses the responsibilities of researchers and funders in low and middle income countries like Pakistan and the ethical justifications of doing research trials in developing countries. He concludes that research participants should be fully informed about the research trial and their participation and it is their right to know all risks and benefits so that they have the option of rejecting participation.The article on Ethical aspects of Dhaka University Tele-medicine System by Ahmed Raihan Abir provides and analysis of the tele- medicine system in Dhaka University. The Author is a member of an extended group at Dhaka University (DU) which has been developing telemedicine equipment and data acquisition software to promote telemedicine practice in Bangladesh. Recently the Telemedicine group of DU and a local NGO named SAMAMA with support from Service innovation fund (SIF) of the Prime Minister Office (PMO) of Bangladesh took the initiative to establish eight rural telemedicine centers and one expert center for the field trial of telemedicine in Bangladesh. The aim of this paper is to examine the ethical challenges of such health care system and the effort to overcome these problems before starting the field trial. The author looks into the details of Data confidentiality and security, Responsibilities of Doctor and Rural Technician, Quality of service and Implications of telemedicine in Bangladesh. He concludes that DU telemedicine project will essentially bring the services of qualified medical experts to the doorsteps of the common people throughout the country, even in the remote rural areas. Although a telemedicine cannot match a face to face consultation, DU tele-medicine system is much better than no consultation at all.Sifat Rahman in the article on Ethical Issues of Fair Subject Selection in Research provides an overview of the criterion for maintaining ethical standards for conducting research. The Author reviews the three fundamental conditions to be met for adhering to strict ethical standards which are: Respect for Persons by protecting the autonomy of people, treating them with courtesy and respect and obtaining informed consent.; Beneficence which incorporates the philosophy of "Do no harm" while maximizing benefits for the research project and minimizing risks to the research subjects; and Justice by ensuring that reasonable, non-exploitative, and well-considered procedures are administered fairly. Finally the Author concludes that Researchers must be truthful and conduct no deception.Dear Readers, as you can see from the above ethics and maintaining the values in research and services are of utmost importance in the improvement of the quality of life. Through our queries, questions and sense of respect for every living being can our endeavors to ensure ethics in all spheres of development be successful.Dear Readers, please keep on sending your articles, notes or thoughts to us. Your participation will make a difference in the quality of our lives.Best regardsTahera AhmedEditor. (shrink)

La fuente principal antes de 1972 para conocer el pensamiento de Ibn Masarra era una breve descripción que Ibn Ḥazm hizo de algunos elementos fundamentales de su teología. En 1972, Muḥammad Kamāl Ibrāhīm Ŷaʿfar atribuyó a Ibn Masarra dos obras, Risālat al-Iʿtibār and Kitāb Jawāṣṣ al-ḥurūf, que se encuentran en un manuscrito de la Chester Beatty Library. El contenido de estas dos obras difiere de las descripciones que hacen las fuentes primarias del pensamiento de Ibn Masarra, pues en estas últimas (...) se le considera de manera mayoritaria un teólogo con creencias de corte qadarī, como al-waʿd wa-l-waʿīd e istiṭāʿa. A la vista de las dos obras que Ŷaʿfar atribuyó a Ibn Masarra, la erudición posterior ha tachado la mayoría de fuentes primarias sobre Ibn Masarra de imprecisas, tendenciosas o mal informadas, de modo que las ha descartado. La fuente más esclarecedora sobre Ibn Masarra, al-Inbāʾ fī šarḥ ḥaqāʾiq al-ṣifāt wa-l-asmāʾ de Ibn al-Uqlīšī, parece haber pasado desapercibida hasta fechas recientes. Tomando como base la información que aporta Ibn al-Uqlīšī, este artículo sugiere la atribución a Ibn Masarra de al-Radd ʿalā l-Kindī, o Refutación de Sobre la Filosofía primera de al-Kindī, obra ya editada, si bien bajo la atribución a Ibn Ḥazm. Esta obra coincide con descripciones del pensamiento de Ibn Masarra en fuentes primarias, si bien excluyendo de las fuentes primarias las dos obras que Ŷaʿfar le atribuye. (shrink)

Turkish-Islamic literature contains numerous religious literar writings. In the existing literature, it can be seen that many kinds such as tawhīd, munājāt, nʿat, mawlid, hilya, hijrah-nāma, shafāʿat-nāma, miʿrāj, qisas al-anbiya, ramaḍāniyya, and al-asmā al-ḥusnā were written. Al-Asmā al-ḥusnā, written in the form of poetry and prose, were mostly sharḥ or their khawaṣṣ were explained. Çihil-nām al-Manẓūm, which is mentioned in the study, was written as khawaṣṣ al-asmā al-ḥusnā. The work is a poet entitled as Fażāyī. Manuscript was written in the (...) last quarter of the fifteenth century, and thus, it is presumed that the poet lived in the same century. This work has been identified in a manuscript. In addition, the poet’s Hadiyyat al-aḥbāb, der-Bayān al-maqāmāt al-darwīshān, Kitāb al-sharʿiyyat al-arbāb, and Ghazaliyyāt al-Darwīsh Fażāyī four other works have been identified. In the writings of the asmā al-ḥusnās, the names of ninety-nine were emphasized. In this study, the forty names of God are expressed. The text presented is a continuation of the tradition of writing some prose works written in Arabic and Persian. Çihil-nām al-Manẓūm, written in Arabic prose and known as Asmā al-Idrīsiyya it can be seen as a free stsyle translation of the prophet Idrīs. Forty names in the content of the work, their proper-ties, when, how much and how to read is explained. In this study, firstly the information about the subject of Qurʾān, hadith, Arabic, Persian and Turkish literature in the beautiful names of God is provided. Then, the information about the poet Fażāyī was given. Çihil-nām al-Manẓūm was introduced and the transcriptional form of the text was given.SummaryOne of the reasons that deeply affect a nation is the change of religion. This change did not only affect the individual but also influenced the society in which he was born and grew. One of the nations with strong influence is the Turks. Turks, after Islamization, have estab-lished a new civilization. One of the areas where this Islamic civilization reflects is the literary aspect of society. In this literature, which has begun to be formed, religious genres such as tawhīd, munājāt, nʿat, mawlid, hilya, hijrah-nāma, shafāʿat-nāma, miʿrāj, qisas al-anbiya, ramaḍāniyya, have been revealed. One of them is about God. Religious literary writings about God were written in the form of tawhīd and munājāts, which consist of one or more prophets found at the head of the dīwāns, or as the annotations of asmā al-ḥusnā or as khawaṣṣ asmā al-ḥusnā.In time, the need for some Turkish literary and scientific works to be translated into a different language were born. It can be seen that with some changes such as subtraction and addition, texts are rewritten or poetic works are translated into prose. The original of our research subject Çihil-nām al- Manẓūm’s is written in Arabic and prose. Çihil-nām al-Manẓūm, it is a munājāt of the work known as Asmā al-Idrīsiyya, which describes the call of prophet Idrīs.Asmā al-ḥusnā is a religious term used mostly to describe the attributes and names of God. In the Qurʾān, there is no information about the number of asmā al-ḥusnā mentioned as a concept. However, the number of the names of God in the Qurʾān is 155. This number is differ-ent in ḥadīths. It is widely accepted that the number of asmā al-ḥusnā is 99. Some Islamic schol-ars have argued against such restricting statements, arguing that ninety-nine names, such as the hiding of the Night of Qadr, were hidden in all Divine names during the month of ramaḍān, while others suggested that the number of ninety-nine was large number of asmās (names).The first examples of asmā al-ḥusnā were written in Arabic literature. Some of them are not detached: Abū Manṣūr al-Māturidī (d. 333/944) Kitāb al-Tawḥīd, Abū ʿAbdullāh al-Ḥalīmī (d. 403/1012) al-Minhāj fī shuʿabiʾl īmān, Taḳī al-Dīn Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) al-Īmān. A part of asmā al-ḥusnās is also a single work: Abū Isḥāq al-Zajjaj (d. 311/923) Tafsīr al-asmāi’llāh al-ḥusnā, Aḥmad b. Husayin al-Bayhaḳī (d. 458/1066) al-Asmā al-ṣifāt and ʿAbd al-karīm b. Havāzin al-Quşayrī (d. 465/1072) Sharḥ al-asmāi’llāh. In addition to Arabic, it is useful to talk about some of the asmā al-ḥusnās which is written in Persian. Muḥammed al-Shrāzī al-Nishāburī (d. 904/1498) al-Risāla der-asmā al-ḥusnā, Çarkhī Yaʿḳūb b. ʿOthmān (d. 851/1447) Sharḥ al-asmāi’llāh and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Aḥmad al-Jāmī (d. 898/1492) Muʿammā al-Jāmī.Islamic nations have created an enormous collection of literature about God. Among them, asmā al-ḥusnās has a special importance. Many asmā al-ḥusnā were written in Turkish literature. The most famous among the verses of Ibn Isa b. Majduddīn ʿĪsā Saruḥanī (d. 967/559) is Sharḥ al-asmā al-ḥusnā. Other than that, Ḥusayin b. Aḥmad Sirozī (d. 1000/1401) Sharḥ asmā al-ḥusnā, Aḥmad Shākir Pasha (d. 1234/1818) Rawḍ-ı Ward, Ibrahim Mahdī (d. 1345/1926) al-Kanz al-asmā fī sharḥ al-asmā al-ḥusnā and Bijaqji-zāda Ismā‘īl Haqqi b. ʿOthmān (ö.1352/1933) Asmā al-ḥusnā’s naẓman tafsīr this work is shown among the major works written in this field. Again, the works of the late Sheykh-oghlu Muṣṭafā (d. 817/1414) Khawaṣṣ al-asmā al-ḥusnā, Ṣubḥī al-Bursawī (n.d.) Sharḥ al-manẓūm al-asmā al-ḥusnā, Ḥākim Sayyid Maḥmad Afandi (d. 1184/1770) Sharḥ manẓūm al-asmā al-ḥusnā, Lāmiʿ Jelebi (d. 938/1532) Sharḥ al-muʿammayāt ʿalā asmā al-ḥusnā, Ḥamdī Afandi (n.d.) Sharḥ al-manẓūm al-asmā al-ḥusnā, Naḥīfī (d. 1151/1738) Manẓūm al-asmā al-ḥusnā, ʿAbd al-Majīd b. Naṣūḥ Ṭosyavī (d. 996/1588) Sharḥ al-asmā al-ḥusnā can be listed among other notable works.In this study, a khawaṣṣ al-asmā al-ḥusnā is examined. Khawaṣṣ; khāṣṣ and khāṣṣa are the plural of the words khawaṣṣ al-wukalā, khawaṣṣa al-balda, the properties of some drugs, khawaṣṣa al-Qurʾān al-karīm, khawaṣṣa al-ism al-aʿẓam; a force that is found in something and not from others means special case. The verses of the Qurʾān, the rings, the hours of the days, some prayers, the names of God have some of the accents. It is believed that the desire of the person who reads them in certain conditions, in a certain amount, or in any manner, in specific hours, will occur. The fact that the concept of khawaṣṣ met these meanings allowed him to acquire scientific knowledge and to call it “khawaṣṣ science” characteristic in the literature.The works that deal with the Qurʾān and the asmā al-ḥuṣnā are written. Some of these works written in Arabic and Turkish literature are: Risāle fī khawaṣṣ al-asmā al-ḥusnā: Zunnūn al-Miṣrī, Khawaṣṣ al-Qurʾān: Ghazālī, ʿIḳdu al-manẓūm fī khawaṣṣ al-ḥurūf: Muḥyī al-Dīn al-ʿArabī, Asmā al-Idrīsiyya: Shāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī, Khawaṣṣ al-asmā al-ḥusnā: Shakh-oghlu Muṣṭafā, Sharḥ al-manẓūm al-asmā al-ḥusnā: Ṣubḥī al-Bursawī, Sharḥ al-asmā al-ḥusnā: Ibn ʿIsā b. Majd al-Dīn Ṣaruhanī, Manẓūm al-asmā al-ḥusnā sharḥ: Ḥākim Sayyid Maḥmad Afandi, Manẓūm al-asmā al-ḥusnā: Naḥīfī, Sharḥ al-asmā al-ḥusnā and khawaṣṣuhā: Imām Shabrāwī.One of the works in which asmā al-ḥusnā was described is attributed to prophet Idrīs. Among the miracles of prophet Idrīs, there have been intresting miracoulus performances such as possessing the knowledge of astronomy, fortune, mathematics, plants, writing, sew-ing, using the scales and strange art. The mysterious secrets were revaled to him in 30 ṣuḥuf. His major miracles are governing spiritual beings, knowing the properties of the beings and possessing the knowledge of various unknown things. Again, he wrote a book about the char-acteristics of letters. Aristotle later wrote a commentary using the majority of the information found in this book. Some of the works are written to narrate the Prophet Idrīs’s praising God with forty names:Muḥammad al-Tunisian, al-Ravḍatu al-Sundusiyya fī asmā al-ḥusnā al-Idrīsiyya al-Suhrawardiyya; Shāb al-Dīn Yaḥya b. Ḥabash al-Suhrawardī, Çihil-nām. Among these, the most famous is the work called Asmā al-Idrīsiyyā, written by Suhrawardī. Here, in addition to the asmā al-ḥusnā (forty names), prayers, prayers, conquests, their meanings, and the merits of reading them are explained. The book is written in Arabic. Many copies of this work have been identi-fied. Here are a few of these: Sulaymāniyya Hagia Sophia, K. 1870; Sulaymāniyya, Hagia Sophia, 377; Bāyazıd State Library 1314; National Library A005133-03 23b-33a; Adana Public Library 140; National Library, 06 Mil Yz A 9084/6.The works describing Asmā al-Idrīsiyya were written as prose. The work examined in this study was written as a manuscript. Çihil-nām-ı Manẓūm is distinguished from the others in this respect. Another point that makes the study important is the fact that Çihil-nām-ı Manẓūm has a very old period, this is written in the fifteenth century. (shrink)

Abstrak: Kapitalisme kontemporer dicirikan oleh beberapa transformasi makro-struktural, seiring dengan kemajuan teknologi informasi dan komunikasi. Salah satu dari transformasi paling drastis terjadi di dalam aktivitas kerja. Sebagai aktivitas utama yang mendorong akumulasi modal, dunia kerja hari ini ditandai oleh hegemoni kerja imaterial. Artikel ini menyajikan pikiran dan gagasan dari Autonomia, sebuah “aliran pemikiran” kontemporer dari Italia yang merenungkan sifat dan karakter dari jenis kerja “baru” tersebut. Para pemikir Autonomia berargumen bahwa hegemoni kerja imaterial memberikan tantangan dan peluang baru dalam tatanan (...) kapitalisme. Sementara pekerja imaterial rentan untuk dieksploitasi oleh pihak kapitalis, mereka juga dapat membebaskan dirinya dari penindasan kapitalis. Hal ini dimungkinkan karena kerja imaterial memuat karakteristik khusus dalam kaitannya dengan modal. Emansipasi dari relasi kapitalis dapat terjadi apabila pekerja imaterial, bersama dengan korban kapitalisme lainnya, bersatu sebagai jaringan jamak dan melakukan dua strategi perlawanan: penolakan kerja dan eksodus. Kata-kata Kunci: Kerja imaterial, Autonomia, kapitalisme, jaringan jamak, penolakan kerja, eksodus. Abstract: Contemporary capitalism is characterized by some macro structural transformations, along with the advancement of information and communication technologies. One of the most drastic transformations occurs in the nature of labor. As the main activity which drives the accumulation of capital, today’s labor world is marked by the hegemony of immaterial labor. This article presents thoughts and ideas of Autonomia, a contemporary “school of thought” originating from Italy which has a distinctive view on traits and characters of this “new” kind of labor. Autonomia thinkers argue that the hegemony of immaterial labor poses new challenges and opportunities within capitalist order. While immaterial laborers are prone to be exploited by capitalists, they also can liberate themselves from the capitalist oppression. It is because immaterial labor embodies special characteristics in its relation to capital. The emancipation from capitalist relations can happen if immaterial laborers, together with other capitalism’s victims, unite as a multitude and enforce two resistance strategies, namely, refusal of work and exodus. Keywords: Immaterial labor, Autonomia, capitalism, multitude, refusal of work, exodus. (shrink)

While there is a tradition of Islamic world maps and geographic depictions of direction to the Kaʿba in Mecca, relatively few detailed maps of individual Islamic realms have been studied. In an early 14th-century tax ledger compiled for the Rasūlid sultan al-Malik al-Muʾayyad Dāwūd (d. 721/1321), there is a map of the fortresses (ḥuṣūn), major towns, and ports of the areas controlled and taxed, as well as individual maps of Aden, Taʿizz, al-Janad, Dhamār, al-Shiḥr, and several wadis. Given the context (...) of the text, Irtifāʿ al-dawla al-Muʾayyadiyya, as a tax register, some of the maps probably serve a functional purpose. But how should such maps be read against the lists of important locations in other Rasūlid sources and earlier compilations, such as Yāqūt’s Muʿjam al-buldān compiled a century earlier or al-Hamdānī’s 10th-century Ṣifat jazīrat al-ʿArab? In this article I analyze the range of locations, how they are iconically represented, the accuracy of their relative locations, and their links to other Rasūlid lists. In what ways do these maps better illustrate how the Rasūlids viewed their own realm, which in the early 14th century was a rival of the Egyptian Mamluks and a major player in the Red Sea/indian Ocean trade network? Finally, how does this unique set of maps fit other Islamic maps in the tradition that stems back several centuries before? (shrink)

Abstrak: John Langshaw Austin menjadi terkenal sebagai filosof Lingkaran Oxford yang menekankan pentingnya tuturan performatif. Namun dalam artikelnya “Truth” (1950) ia menggunakan teori korespondensi dalam memahami masalah kebenaran. Austin mengkritik Strawson yang menggunakan teori deflasioner tentang kebenaran berdasarkan analisis mengenai pentingnya tuturan performatif. Dalam tulisan ini akan dijelaskan mengapa Austin lebih memilih teori korespondensi dari pada teori deflasioner dalam memahami kebenaran. Juga akan ditunjukkan sumbangan khas Austin yang membarui teori korespondensi umum yang menggunakan metafora “cermin” dan “peta” realitas dengan menekankan (...) sifat konvensional ide korespondensi. Menurut penulis, hal ini merupakan suatu usaha yang serius dan berguna dalam mengartikulasikan cara kita menggunakan simbol-simbol bahasa yang ditentukan secara sewenang-wenang untuk merepresentasikan realitas dunia. Kata-kata Kunci: Kebenaran, teori korespondensi, teori koherensi, teori deflasioner, teori tindak-tutur, aspek ilokusioner bahasa, tuturan deskriptif, tuturan performatif, konvensi deskriptif, konvensi demonstratif. Abstract: John Langshaw Austin is an “Ordinary Language Philosopher” of Oxford, who is famous for emphasizing the importance of performative statements. In his article, “Truth” (1950), however, he used correspondence theory for understanding the problem of truth. Austin criticized Strawson, who uses the deflationary theory of truth that is compatible with the analysis of performative utterances. This article will explain why Austin chooses the correspondence theory of truth rather than deflationary one. It will also elaborate Austin’s specific contribution in changing the version of the correspondence theory, which uses the metaphor of “mirroring” or “mapping”’ the world, to a conventional correspondence theory. It is, in my opinion, a serious and notable attempt to articulate our use of arbitrary symbols in the representation of brute reality. Keywords: Truth, correspondence theory, coherence theory, deflationary theory, speech-act theory, the illocutionary aspect of language, descriptive utterance, performative utterance, descriptive convention, demonstrative convention. (shrink)

Berikut ini diperkenalkan tiga buku yang ditulis oleh para dosen Sekolah Tinggi Filsafat dan Teologi Widya Sasana di Malang tentang bagaimana Gereja Katolik perlu menempatkan diri dalam ruang publik Indonesia. Fokus buku pertama, tulisan Prof. Dr. Armada Riyanto (2014), adalah ajaran sosial Gereja Katolik, jadi ajaran mengenai bagaimana Gereja Katolik memahami panggilannya dalam masyarakat yang sekaligus menjadi ruang publiknya. Sepintas alur buku ini dapat mem- bingungkan karena penulis suka melancong ke pelbagai bidang sam- pingan, apalagi ia tidak menjelaskan susunan bukunya. (...) Namun kekaya- an buku ini justru terletak dalam luasnya acuan, penjelasan pelbagai latar belakang, serta perhatian pada konteks-konteks ajaran sosial Gereja yang diangkat penulis. Dengan demikian pembaca dibantu dalam mencari bagaimana umat Katolik Indonesia dapat memberikan sum- bangannya bagi bangsanya dalam segala pergulatannya. Bagian kedua, mulai dari bab ke-10, memasuki situasi umat Katolik Indonesia sebagai minoritas yang sepertinya masih “kurang memiliki” (187). Bertolak dari catatan bahwa waktu Congregatio Missionis (Romo-romo CM) mengam-bil alih wilayah Jawa Timur dari romo-romo Yesuit hanya ada 40 umat Katolik Jawa tercatat (hal. 203), bab 11 menjelaskan kesulitan yang dialami Gereja Katolik sejak dari permulaan abad ke-19 dalam bergiat di Hindia Belanda. Namun kemudian dijelaskan bagaimana orang Katolik Jawa, di antara- nya Pak Kasimo, sebelum Kemerdekaan sudah berjuang sebagai nasionalis Indonesia tulen. Bagian ketiga, dimulai dari bab 12, membahas sifat dialogal ajaran sosial Gereja dalam pelbagai dimensi. Bahwa iman dan teologi Gereja secara hakiki bersifat dialogal merupakan kesadaran teologis (dan sosiologis) baru. Daripada hanya berpegang teguh pada suatu ajaran yang sudah membatu menjadi tradisi, lalu dibawa begitu saja ke dalam dunia, Gereja menyadari bahwa iman maupun teologinya selalu bergerak dalam medan masyarakat di mana Gereja berhadapan dengan segala macam pemikiran dan tanta-ngan. Dengan sifat dialogal dimaksud bahwa iman dan teologi Gereja mau tak mau terwujud dalam menghadapi tantangan-tantangan itu. Kekuatan buku Prof. Armada ini adalah bahwa ia menempatkan ajaran sosial Gereja yang pokok-pokoknya sudah sering diuraikan ke dalam pelbagai konteks, dengan implikasi-implikasi dan acuan pada pelbagai pengalaman Gereja. Pembaca menemukan banyak petunjuk bagaimana ajaran sosial Gereja Katolik dapat menjadi inspirasi bagi umat Katolik Indonesia. Ada juga beberapa kelemahan. Tidak ada daftar nama. Dan barangkali cakupan uraiannya terlalu luas. Misalnya uraian panjang lebar tentang paham Platon dan Aristoteles tentang keadilan sebenarnya kurang relevan, begitu pula uraian tentang perkembangan pemikiran filosofis tentang demokrasi. Padahal pertanyaan sangat relevan, yang muncul di banyak negara, bagaimana sebuah minoritas berpartisipasi dalam sistem demokrasi tidak didiskusilan. Mengapa fungsi suatu Partai Katolik di Indonesia tidak diangkat, padahal seku- rang-kurangnya sudah tiga kali menjadi debat besar dan panas dalam umat Katolik Indonesia: 1960 di zaman demokrasi terpimpin, 1971 sesudah pemilihan umum pertama di bawah presiden Suharto, dan 1999 di masa reformasi. Betul, persepsi “kemiskinan struktural” dibuka dengan Rerum Novarum (h. 24), tetapi istilah itu sendiri tidak ditemukan di dalamnya, melainkan berasal dari teologi pembebasan. Karena penulis menganggap “pluralisme” tak punya arti di luar “pluralitas,” penulis tidak masuk ke dalam kontroversi tajam tentang pluralisme di Indone- sia. Fatwa MUI tentang pluralisme tidak didiskusi-kan. Uraian panjang tentang pendidikan Katolik yang sangat optimis tinggal normatif. Padahal dalam kenyataan Gereja Katolik, juga di Indonesia, biasanya justru mempertahankan pegangan eksklusif atas pendidikan. Dalam kaitan ini seharusnya penolakan UU Sisdiknas — dengan keharusan memberikan pelajaran agama kepada para siswa sesuai dengan agama mereka — oleh sebagian besar penanggap Katolik didiskusikan. Namun kekurangan-kekurangan ini tidak menghilangkan bahwa buku ini amat memperkaya pustaka Katolik berbahasa Indonesia tentang panggilan Gereja, juga panggilan Gereja Indonesia, dalam masyarakat (Franz Magnis-Suseno, Guru Besar Ilmu Filsafat Emeritus, Sekolah Tinggi Filsafat Driyarkara, Jakarta). (shrink)

Abstrak: Pembacaan atas aspek apokaliptik Kitab Daniel sering dipusatkan pada bagian kedua kitab itu (Dan. 7-12). Bagian pertamanya (Dan. 1-6) hanya dibaca sebagai cerita-cerita heroisme iman. Dengan begitu, sifat apokaliptik tidak kelihatan sebagai karakteristik kitab itu secara keseluruhan. Apokaliptik sendiri cenderung dikaitkan dengan eskatologi, dan bagian kedua kitab tersebut secara mencolok memakai kata “akhir.” Pengaitan aspek apokaliptik dengan fatalisme akhir zaman berkembang di kalangan sekte kiamat. Kendati aspek eskatologisnya, apokaliptik seharusnya juga dipahami dalam matriks hikmat. Jika dibaca dalam kesatuan dan (...) keutuhannya, kitab itu memperlihatkan gagasan mengenai hidup berhikmat dalam mengantisipasi kiamat, bukan dengan menarik diri dari dunia, melainkan setia kepada Allah dan kritis terhadap arogansi kekuasaan. Kata-kata Kunci: apokaliptik, kiamat, radikal, Makabe, sektarian, nubuat, hikmat, eskatologi. Abstract: The reading of the apocalyptic aspect of the Book of Daniel is often focused on the book’s second part (Dan. 7-12). Its first part (Dan. 1-6) is read only as stories of faithful heroism. In this manner, the apocalyptic dimension is not seen as characteristic of the book as a whole. Apocalypse itself tends to be associated with eschatology, and indeed the second part of the book strikingly makes use of the word “end.” The association of apocalypse with the fatalism of the end time develops within the doomsday sect. Despite its eschatological dimension, the apocalyptic aspect should be read within the matrix of wisdom. When being read in its unity and integrity, the book demonstrates the idea of living wisely in the anticipation of the end, not by withdrawing oneself away from the world, but by being faithful to God and being critical of the arrogance of power. Keywords: apocalyptic, doomsday, radical, Maccabees, sectarian, prophecy, wisdom, eschatology. (shrink)

This work examines the influence of the school of Muhyiddin Ibn 'Arabi on the well-known Kubrawi masters. This path-breaking book is a study of major Kubrawi works and the manner in which the Kubrawis approached Ibn 'Arabi's ideas. By delving into the most important cornerstones of Ibn 'Arabi's worldview, such as wahdat al-wujud (unity of existence), al-insan al-kamil (Perfect Human Being) and asma wa sifat (God's Names and Attributes), this work provides a comparative study of their reception in the thought (...) of major Kubrawi mystics, especially that of Najm al-Din Kubra, Sa'd al-Din amuyah, Aziz al-Din Nasafi, Ala al-Dawlah Simnani, and Sayyid 'Ali Hamadani. (shrink)

Bukti penyertaan Tuhan dalam kehidupan bangsa Israel sungguh nyata. Tuhan bukan saja memperkenalkan diri-Nya sebagai Tuhan, Allah pembebas, namun juga Tuhan, Allah yang menyertai kehidupan mereka. Sementara itu bagi Firaun, seharusnya peristiwa ini adalah pelajaran penting dalam sejarah kehidupannya dan bangsanya. Bahwa berperkara dengan Tuhan, Allah Israel adalah sebuah kesia-siaan. Baik bangsa Israel dan Firaun sama-sama diajarkan akan sifat dan karakter Tuhan, Allah yang adil dan penuh kasih. Ini pula yang seharusnya menjadi pelajaran bagi umat-umat Tuhan sepanjang zaman. Bahwa penting (...) percaya dengan segenap hati kepada tuntunan dan pemeliharaan Tuhan di dalam setiap jalan-jalan kehidupan. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mengumpulkan data-data dari berbagai sumber Pustaka, sehingga setiap orang percaya akan penyertaan Tuhan melalui pengalaman bangsa Israel keluar dari Mesir dan menyeberangi Laut Teberau. (shrink)

A debate is growing today about the ontological status of disposition in relation to the modality of natural law. This debate arose after the failure of Humean actualism to explain the basis of causality. Categoricalism tries to overcome the weaknesses of actualism by restoring the concept of disposition that is reduced to a set of categorical properties. Through such a move, categoricalism hopes to explain the basis of the disposition and yet fails to guarantee the necessity of natural law. Another (...) alternative is to formulate a variant of dispositionalism in which dispositions are regarded as fundamental properties that are irreducible to categorical properties. Dispositionalists attempt to set up a concept of disposition which acknowledges the existence of unactualized disposition and guarantees the necessity of natural law. This essay, however, will demonstrate that dispositionalists’ solution is not free from the similar dilemma which haunts categoricalism. Keywords: Actuality, categorical property, dispositional property, supervenience, causality, finkish disposition, antidote, necessity. Abstrak: Dewasa ini berkembang perdebatan tentang status ontologis disposisi dalam kaitannya dengan modalitas hukum alam. Perdebatan ini mengemuka selepas kegagalan aktualisme Humean dalam menjelaskan landasan kausalitas. Kategorialisme mencoba mengatasi kelemahan aktualisme dengan mengembalikan konsep disposisi yang direduksi pada sekumpulan sifat kategoris. Melalui langkah ini, kategorialisme berharap dapat menerangkan landasan dari disposisi, tetapi sesungguhnya gagal mengajukan suatu konsepsi tentang hukum alam yang niscaya. Alternatifnya adalah merumuskan suatu varian dari disposisionalisme di mana disposisi adalah sifat fundamental benda yang tidak tereduksikan pada sifat kategoris. Kaum disposisionalis berupaya membangun konsepsi tentang disposisi yang, di satu sisi, mengakui adanya disposisi yang tidak teraktualisasi dan, di sisi lain, menjamin keniscayaan hukum alam. Akan tetapi, melalui artikel ini akan ditunjukkan juga bahwa solusi disposisionalis tersebut tidak lepas dari dilema serupa yang menghantui kategorialisme. Kata-kata Kunci: Aktualitas, sifat kategoris, sifat disposisional, kebertopangan, kausalitas, disposisi-pelenyapan, penawar, keniscayaan. (shrink)

Abstrak: Di tengah-tengah perdebatan panjang antara realisme dan anti realisme dalam filsafat ilmu, realisme struktural (RS) diajukan sebagai gagasan yang terbaik dari keduanya. Versi epistemik RS (RSE) berpendapat bahwa kita memiliki alasan yang baik untuk percaya bahwa teori memiliki struktur yang tepat, yaitu bahwa wujud dan struktur yang dipostulatkan oleh teori betul-betul ada. Namun demikian, RSE tidak mengajukan dakuan epistemik menyangkut hakikat wujud yang melandasi struktur. Semua pengetahuan mengenai dunia fisis adalah pengetahuan tentang struktur. Dalam tulisan ini penulis memberi tinjauan (...) tentang RSE dan beberapa argumen yang menolak RSE. Belajar dari sejarah fisika zarah, penulis akan memperlihatkan bahwa struktur menunjuk ke sifat-sifat mendasar yang dimiliki oleh komponen-komponennya dan dengan demikian menyediakan jalur epistemik bagi wujud yang relasi-relasinya mendefinisikan struktur. Meski demikian, struktur matematis sebuah teori hanya memungkinkan kita membangun pengetahuan tentang wujud-wujud yang tidak teramati sebagai “objek” dan bukan objek-objek partikular. Kata-kata Kunci: Realisme, anti-realisme, realisme struktural epistemik, argumen tanpa keajaiban, meta-induksi pesimistik, wujud takteramati. Abstract: In the lengthy debate between antirealism and realism in the philosophy of science, structural realism (SR) has been suggested as “the best of both worlds.” The epistemic version of SR (ESR) holds that we have good reason to believe that our most successful scientific theories are structurally correct—that the entities and structures postulated by a theory actually exist, and yet it makes no epistemic claim about the nature of the underlying entities. All that we can know is the structure of the physical world. In this article I present an overview of ESR and a number of arguments that have been brought up against it. Drawing lessons from the history of contemporary physics, I will show that “structure” points to the fundamental properties of its constituents and thus provides an epistemic access to the nature of those entities whose relations define structure in the first place. Nevertheless, the mathematical structure of a theory enables us only to construe knowledge of an unobservable entity as “object,” and not this or that particular object. Keywords: Realism, anti-realism, epistemic structural realism, no miracle argument, pesimistic meta-induction, unobservable entity. (shrink)

Tulisan ini berjudul tinjauan teologis perintah jangan mencuri dalam Keluaran 20: 15 berdasarkan perspektif sejarah penebusan. Tujuan tulisan ini adalah melakukan kajian tentang perintah jangan mencuri dalam Keluaran 20: 15. Kajian ini dilakukan sebagai pengembangan untuk memahami perintah jangan mencuri dalam Keluaran 20: 15. Kajian ini juga bertujuan memberikan penjelasan bagaimana penggenapan yang Yesus lakukan terhadap perintah jangan mencuri dalam Keluaran 20: 15, selain itu kajian ini akan menyoroti realisasi perintah jangan mencuri dalam Keluaran 20: 15 pada masa orang percaya (...) berada dalam langit dan bumi yang baru. Untuk mendapatkan penjelasan tersebut, maka digunakan pendekatan sejarah penebusan. Pendekatan ini akan mendasarkan pada penyelidikan Alkitab sebagai sumber utama didukung dengan artikel dan literatur yang berkaitan dengan topik yang dibahas. Penulis menyakini bahwa Yesus sebagai penggenap seluruh Hukum Taurat pasti juga menggenapi hukum ini dalam kehidupannya. Penulis memiliki hipotesis bahwa perintah jangan mencuri dalam Keluaran 20: 15 tetap relevan sampai kepada kekekalan namun dengan bentuk dan sifat yang baru. Oleh karena itu kiranya melalui tulisan ini menambah pengetahuan bagaimana memahami relevansi sebuah teks Alkitab tidak hanya pada masa lampau dan masa kini, tetapi sampai kepada masa yang akan datang. (shrink)

This paper is meant to show why the introduction of probation in the capital punishment act of the new Code of Criminal Law is a change we should appreciate. This change will expectedly lead Indonesia to be a nation that de facto no longer employs capital punishment. This is a desirable consequence given that, in my view, capital punishment cannot be ethically justified. In this paper, I will show why arguments in defense of capital punishment by appealing to the deterrence (...) effect, the risk of recidivism, the sense of justice, and the principle of retributive justice do not stand up to scrutiny. The irreversible nature of capital punishment further points to the unjustifiability of this form of punishment. Abstrak Tulisan ini hendak menunjukkan mengapa diintroduksikannya masa percobaan dalam pasal hukuman mati KUHP terbaru merupakan perubahan yang layak diapresiasi. Perubahan tersebut berpotensi mengantar Indonesia menjadi negara yang de facto tidak lagi menerapkan hukuman mati. Menurut penulis, konsekuensi semacam ini layak disambut baik lantaran hukuman mati itu sendiri secara etis tidak dapat dibenarkan. Dalam tulisan ini, penulis akan menunjukkan mengapa argumen-argumen yang ditujukan untuk menjustifikasi hukuman mati dengan merujuk pada efek jera, risiko residivis, rasa keadilan, dan prinsip keadilan retributif tidak dapat dipertahankan. Sifat hukuman mati yang tidak membuka ruang bagi koreksi yang berarti juga meneguhkan tidak dapat dibenarkannya bentuk hukuman tersebut. Kata-kata Kunci: hukuman mati, KUHP, efek jera, keadilan retributif, ruang koreksi. (shrink)

There is a close relationship between Ashʿarism and Ḥanbalism since the emergence of Ashʿarism. However, they often conflicted with each other as they approached to religious matters from different perspectives. These conflicts were not only limited to theological discussions but also turned into social conflicts, which occasionally resulted with deaths. First massive events occurred in 429/1038 in Baghdād between Ashʿarites and Ḥanbalities. When Niẓām al-Mulk was appointed as vizier, the conflicts reached a peak. The apparent reason of the conflicts was (...) the theological controversy between these two sects. However, the rise of Ashʿarism, which was usually against Ḥanbalism, was the main reason of the social conflicts. Supports of the Ashʿarite thought by the leading statesmen of the era such as Niẓām al-Mulk and Ayyūbid sultans, and accusations of some Ashʿarite preachers about Ḥanbalities relying on this political support were also among the factors that led to these conflicts. Nevertheless, even if any accusation was not made, it occurred that the members of both sects resorted to violence in case of criticisms about their beliefs. This shows that the most important reason of the conflicts was sectarian fanaticism.Summary: Ashʿarism is the name of the sect that was formed around the ideas of Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī. It is a continuation of Kullābism in terms of general thought system. Ashʿarism replaced Kullābism by the end of the 5th century of the Hijrah, and started to be called as an independent sect. It spread mostly among the Shāfiʿites and Mālikites in Iraq, Khurāsān, Damascus, Maghreb, and Yemen. When it was arrived to the last quarter of the 5th century, it became the common theological sect of most of Shāfiʿites and Mālikites. Bāqillānī (d. 403/1013), Ibn Fūrāk (d. 406/1015), and Abū Isḥāq al-Isfarāyīnī’s (d. 418/1027) efforts played an important role in rising of Ashʿarism in this period. In the following periods, contribution of the Seljuk vizier Niẓām al-Mulk (d. 485/1092) to Ashʿarism was massive by establishing the Niẓāmiyah Colleges to strengthen the Ashʿarites against the Hanafites in Khurāsān and against the Ḥanbalites in Baghdād. The Niẓāmiyah Colleges were donated by Niẓām al-Mulk to Shāfiʿite scholars for the mission of primarily limiting the influence Shīʿī thought. The condition of belonging to Shāfiʿites in waqfiyyah (endowment certificate) of the colleges provided some important advantages for Shāfiʿites and Ashʿarites. On the other hand, the Ayyūbids provided important contributions to Ashʿarites in the regions of Egypt, Damascus and Yemen. They worked for strengthening Ashʿarism during their ruling for two centuries. It was a state policy for the Ayyūbids to support Ashʿarism starting from the founder of the state, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī (d. 589/1193).This rapid rise of Ashʿarism led to a tense relationship between the Ashʿarites and the Ḥanbalites who became the most important representative of Aṣḥāb al-ḥadīth (people of the traditions of the Prophet) after the period of Miḥnah (period of religious persecution). Undoubtedly, the first respondents of these tense relations were Kullābite scholars. At the beginning of the 4th century of the Hijrah, Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī became the natural inheritor of the Ḥanbalite reaction to the Kullābites. He conflicted with the Ḥanbalites because of his different approach on the debate regarding creation of the Qur’ān. Ḥanbalite reactions to Imam al-Ashʿarī continued after his death. When he died in Baghdād in 324/935, officials buried him secretly as they worried about Ḥanbalite attacks against his funeral. Hence, after his burial some Ḥanbalites tried to destroy his tomb several times. After Ashʿarī died, the first social events between the Ashʿarites and the Ḥanbalites took place in Iṣfahān, one of the most important cities of West Khurāsān, in the end of the 4th century of the Hijrah. The debate started around the question of whether the letters of the Qur’ān were created or uncreated between the Ḥanbalite scholar Ibn Mandah (d. 395/1005) and Ashʿarite scholar Abū Nuʿaym al-Iṣfahānī (d. 430/1038). This debate led to prolonged events between the supporters of these scholars. Abū Nuʿaym, saved his life from various attacks and finally he had to leave Iṣfahān.The tense relationships between the Ashʿarites and the Ḥanbalites reached the peak in the 5th century of the Hijrah. Many events occurred in Baghdād during this century. The discussion on interpretation of the revealed attributes of Allah turned into conflict between the two sides from time to time. The Ashʿarite scholars accused the Ḥanbalites with tashbih (affirming Allah’s similarity to humanity) and tajseem (anthropomorphism) by pointing at Abū Yaʿlā al-Farrā’s work titled Ibṭāl al-taʾwīl al-ṣifāt. The ʿAbbāsid caliphs generally supported the Ḥanbalites in this debate. For example, when al-Qāim bi-Amr Allāh re-published the famous declaration known as the Qādirī Creed in 433/1042, he proclaimed that rejection of the Ḥanbalite approach on the issue of the revealed attributes of Allah would be regarded as a cause of blasphemy. The paper was read in a meeting where several scholars from various sects were present. It was signed firstly by Ashʿarite scholar Abū al-Ḥasan ʿAli ibn ʿUmar al-Qazwīnī (d. 442/1051). However, he was one who had criticized Ibṭāl al-taʾwīl al-ṣifāt in 429/1038, which caused conflicts in society at that time. This shift in his position is remarkable as it shows that the declaration was primarily response to him.In the middle of the 5th century of the Hijrah, Ashʿarite scholar al-Khatīb al-Baghdādī (d. 463/1071) became a victim of the tension between the Ashʿarites and Ḥanbalites. Khatīb had protection of vizier Ibn al-Muslima and under his protection he lectured on Hadith in the Mansur Mosque. However, after the death of the vizier, he was subjected to harassment of the Ḥanbalites because of some expressions in his work titled Tarīkh Baghdād. So much so that he began to worry about his life, thus he had to leave Baghdād and went to Damascus in 451/1059.The tense relations between the Ashʿarites and the Ḥanbalites reached the summit in the period of Niẓām al-Mulk who was the vizier of Seljuk Empire. In fact, some events resulted with deaths. For example, in the events of 469/1076, which lasted years, the Ḥanbalites attacked Ashʿarite scholar Abū Naṣr ibn ʿAbd al-Karīm al-Qushayrī (d. 514/1120) who accused them with tashbeeh and tajseem. As a result, around twenty people died during these events. The gradual rise of the Ashʿarite thought with the support of Niẓām al-Mulk and abusive discourses of some Ashʿarite scholars who relied on this support can be mentioned among the basic reasons of the events at that time.After the death of Niẓām al-Mulk in 485/1092, for a long time there was no serious event between the Ashʿarites and the Ḥanbalites. In the middle of the 6th/12th century, the relations started to become tense again in the regions of Egypt, Damascus, and Yemen under the Ayyūbid dynasty. In addition to these places, various events occurred in Khurāsān region, in cities such as Marw. Nevertheless, unlike some previous events, the current tensions were not against a whole sect but only targeted some individual scholars. Moreover, unlike the previous periods, oppressed and victimized people were mostly Ḥanbalite scholars this time. No serious events took place between two sects after this period. Therefore, it can be said that their struggle to dominate society led to the above-mentioned events. (shrink)