Muhammadiyah and NU are two well-known socio-religious organizations in the world over the years. In spite of the fact that both organizations are characterized as religious social movement, each of them has their individual creativity, which is called al-thaqafat in their motions. This study aims to identify the organization of Muhammadiyah-NU as a religious heritage,which affects other religious organizations both in Indonesia and other countries. This research employed a qualitative approach by using historical method to obtain the actual reality. For (...) data collection, literature reviews,documentation and interviews were also conducted to gather empiric facts.The researchers interviewed public figures of the organizations. Al-thaqafat becomes part of elements rather than cultivated culture, which is understood as habitual patterns of human creativity, including a religious organization. Both organizations are the result of an al-thaqafat religious creativity created by each founder and can be pursued into the world monumental heritage. Without denying, the existence of al-thaqafat creativity will continue to enlighten the world civilization. Therefore, Muhammadiyah and NU have been doing and keeping continuing al-thaqafat creativity enlightenment through their charitable organizations and institutions. The result is profoundly proven so that they have been in an existence more than a century. (shrink)

Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah are two moderate Islamic organizations in Indonesia which operate in the area of preaching amar ma’ruf nahi munkar, and enlightenment tajdid, sourced from the Al-Quran and Sunnah. Besides being known as a religious organization, NU and Muhammadiyah are also known as organizations that play an active role in the humanitarian field. The study is based on the premise that religious discourse as a resolution can come in various forms and strategies, even by involving actors (...) from across disciplines and countries. Hence, the purpose of this study was to determine the role of NU and Muhammadiyah organizations in reducing conflict and realizing peace in the Middle East. This research used a qualitative descriptive case study method with NU and Muhammadiyah as research subjects. Miles and Huberman model was used for data analysis which required data collection, data presentation, data condensation, and drawing conclusions. In this study, it was found that in helping to create world peace, NU and Muhammadiyah had done a number of things. In the international arena, NU played a major role in global peace efforts. This role can be seen when NU actively initiated, organized, and led various meetings and conferences and interfaith dialogues. NU also formed the International Conference of Islamic Scholars or the Ulama Conference. and World Muslim Scholars. The role of Muhammadiyah, too, included resolving conflicts in Central Africa, Palestine, and the Rohingya Muslim Conflict. In resolving the Middle East conflict, Muhammadiyah was actively involved in sending aid, for example in the Palestinian conflict, Muhammadiyah formed Muhammadiyah AID. (shrink)

This article seeks to investigate the integration between political economy and religion offered in the forum Religion of Twenty (R20). The idea of R20 forum by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) is one of the ideas to unite perceptions between countries and religions. It is based on the phenomenon of the global economy which has begun to be disrupted by conflicts and wars in several countries. Various wars by the superpowers have had implications for disrupting economic stability. Thus, the role (...) of religion in terms of world peace also contributes to the success of global economic stability. In further analysis, this article refers to Ibn Khaldun, Al-Ghazali, Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and John Stuart Mill’s political economy to answer how is the relationship between religion and world peace in economic development? And what role does the R20 forum play in integrating political economy and religion for global economic development? The findings in this article indicate that the sources of political economy in R20 are a means of integrating its patterns in line with the values and essence of religious teachings. (shrink)

The advancement of communication technology has sophisticated all aspects of human lives, including Islamic _dakwah_ (preaching) activities, for Muslim communities in Indonesia. As a result, several Islamic organizations in Indonesia try hard to match this advancement by using digital media for their _dakwah _to reach larger audiences and youth media-savvy generation. This article, by focusing on three Islamic organizations in Indonesia (Nahdlatul Ulama known as NU, Muhammadiyah, and Al Washliyah), addresses the question of how their _dakwah_ activities and (...) strategies respond to advancement of communication technology on a social media platform, YouTube. This study employs digital etnography by collecting the data from YouTube accounts affiliated to the three organizations. By using content analysis for data interpretations, this article finds that each Islamic organization has its own characteristics of virtual _dakwah_ activities and strategies. NU focuses on the teachings of _ahlussunnah wal jamaah_ and religious tolerance, Muhammadiyah emphasizes charity and business, while Al Washliyah aims to strengthen the faith and morals of the society. In addition, their virtual _dakwah_ activities are also in the context of countering transnational Islamic movements that utilize social media for their _dakwah_. (shrink)

On Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest Islamic organization and its contributions in the development of politics in Indonesia.

The Nahdlatul Ulama are important parts that greatly value the inheritance of the classical Islamic treasures contained in the work of the Imam Mazhab. Its wealth of sources of understanding, NU has its own uniqueway of responding to reform, while maintaining harmony in tradition and cultural heritage, moderate, tolerant, not extreme, as well as promoting goodness and preventing badness. This paper examines the positioning of NU and its relation to Ahlussunnah wa al-Jama‘ah based on the social context that (...) accompanies it and the actors involved in it. There are three locus, places, or cultural fields that have important significance because they are a source of discourse, ideas and practices of mazhab in contemporary NU communities: Pesantren, Islamic College and Non-Governmental Organization. This paper uses three approaches: Thomas Kuhn’s Shifting Paradigm, Karl Manheim’s Sociology of Knowledge and Abed al-Jabiri’s Epistemology are used to study knowledge that is not only the result of theory, but also part of the process of sociology and epistemology. The results show that the majority of Pesantren when understanding and interpreting Aswaja An-Nahdliyyah are heavier and dominant based on Bayani and Irfani. Whereas the scholar of NU and NGOs that had been Bayani and Irfani shifted to Burhani’s epistemological model. In other words, methodologically they want a change in understanding Aswaja from qauli to manhaji, Bayani-Irfani to Burhani,monolithic-dichotomic to integrative-progressive. (shrink)

Nahdlatul Ulama constitutes an important link to the genealogy of Islamic thoughts since inheriting intellectual tradition of classical Muslim scholars. This position delivers a unique approach as to which the NU responds to the changes and reformation of Islamic thoughts. This paper discusses the epistemological position of NU in its relation to the Sunni-theology of Ahlussunnah wa al-Jama‘ah through examining social relevance and actors-oriented approaches. The article further argues the significant of three cultural fields relevant to better comprehend (...) contemporary dynamics of the NU: namely Pesantrens, Islamic Colleges and Non-Governmental Organizations. Combining three approaches of Thomas Kuhn’s Shifting Paradigm, Karl Manheim’s Sociology of Knowledge and Abed al-Jabiri’s Epistemology, the article unveils the dynamics of a shifting paradigm of Islamic thought practiced within these three cultural fields of the NU. Pesantren’s interpretation of Aswaja An-Nahdliyyah is thick, based on Bayani and Irfani. However, the scholars of NU and NGO activists are shifting in progress into Burhani’s epistemological model. In other words, methodologically they aspire to change in understanding Aswaja from qauli to manhaji, from Bayani-Irfani to Burhani, and from monolithic-dichotomic to integrative-progressive. (shrink)

Radicalism and Islamic phobia have the potential to cause conflict amongst religious communities so that it needs social movements in building religious moderation. This study aims to understand and analyse the Ahlussunnah Waljamaah theology in the six largest Islamic community organisations in Indonesia in implementing religious moderation. This study uses a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach. Data obtained from interviews, observations and in-depth interviews regarding the process of externalising, objectifying and internalising the theology of Ahlusunnah Waljamaah in Nahdlatul (...) Ulama, Rifa’iyah, Muhammadiyah, Al-Irsyad, Lembaga Dakwah Islam Indonesia and Front Pembela Islam organisations. Then, the data were analysed through social construction theory of Peter L. Berger and T. Luckman. The results show that the six largest Islamic community organisations in Indonesia apply Ahlussunnah Waljamaahs theology. Those Islamic community organisations differently understand the externalisation of Ahlussunnah Waljamaah theology based on its teaching. Thus, it has implications for Aswaja’s model of application in the fields of state, preaching, social and cultural life. Aswaja’s internalisation is reflected in the moderate character of the figures and followers of mass organisations in Indonesia. The Islamic community organisations contribute to build Islamic moderation character by applying an established and consistent theology of Ahlussunnah Waljamaah in various fields.Contribution: This article provides insight into the contribution of Ahlussunnah Waljamaah’s theology in establishing moderate Islam in Indonesia. It contributes to build Islamic moderation’s character by applying an established and consistent theology of Ahlussunnah Waljamaah in various fields. (shrink)

This study showed the nexus between state and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), being the mainstream Islamic group addressing political ideology beyond Pancasila. The transnational influence views religion as an ideology, not faith, resulting in the different nation’s elites response. Furthermore, the government failed to formalise the relationship by endorsing NU to take concrete measures in the area. This study demonstrated how Indonesian religious organisations could maintain stability. The post-Suharto era evinced the special relationship between the state and the largest (...) Muslim organisation, helping the government to defuse militant doctrines. Furthermore, this study defied the secularisation theories to set aside the religion’s role in adapting national democracy or social development. The findings indicated that the compromising politicking religion could strengthen the national identity and ideology shield of external infiltration doctrine. Contribution: This article examines the problem of contemporary nationalism post-Suharto and the variety of potential disintegration. Indeed, the appearance of nationalist-based religious groups such as NU strengthens the nation’s integrity by building awareness of binding religion and nationalism. (shrink)

: There has been an intensive scholarly debate about the developmentof Indonesia’s post-New Order democracy. Some scholars have laudedIndonesia’s surprisingly successful transition to democratic consolidation,while others have disputed such a notion, arguing that Indonesia’s democraticprocess tends to be stagnant and even regressive. However, the absence ofa progressive civil society as a result of the increasingly dominant positionof oligarchic political elites in the structure of state power and democraticinstitutions, are a number of important factors that encourage the declineof democracy. This article (...) investigates the conditions that drive the role ofmoderate Islamic organizations weredeclining rather than increasing in fighting for a democratic agenda. Referringto the research data obtained through interviews, documentation and casestudies on Nahdlatul Ulama activism - the largest moderate Islamicorganization in a predominantly Muslim country, this article arguesthat the decline of civil Islamic organizations is closely related to socio-politicalfragmentation and the strengthening of the conservative wing within moderateIslamic organizations. At the same time, the decline of the organization whichhad a glorious reputation as a champion of tolerance, pluralism, and democracyin the 1980-1990s had implications for the regression of Indonesian democracymarked by, among other things, the exclusion of religious minority groups suchas Shi’a from the public sphere. (shrink)

In Indonesia, scholars differ on how to deal with religious fundamentalism and intolerance. On the one hand, there are supporters of a militant approach, but on the other hand, there are those who prefer a moderate one. This article aims to analyze Indonesia's largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama/NU and its responses towards the puritanical Wahhabi ideology. The organization is renowned for its contest against fundamentalist Muslim groups in post-New Order Indonesia. Focusing on the local branch of NU in (...) Jember, East Java, this article argues that NU adopts an intolerant approach in dealing with Wahhabi groups and their Islamic da'wah activism. NU’s approach is double-barreled first still within its moderation framework, the second falling out. NU rejects Wahhabi's religious orthodoxy, anti-pluralist, and discriminatory attitude towards different faiths who are lumped together as “infidels.” Yet, its attitude towards Wahhabi right to establish Islamic educational institutions represents authoritarianism. This article analyzes the impact of the local NU’s dualism of weakening intolerance on the one hand and undermining pluralism on the other hand. (shrink)

This paper discusses the character education in Kitab Adab al-‘Alimwa al-Muta’allim, written by one of the founders of largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama, Kyai Hasyim Asy’ari as a form of social piety. This book has provided a comprehensive and constructive way of character education which integrates Islamic values with various religious texts. Character education which includes and complements a broad range of educational approaches such as social-emotional learning and civic education shares a commitment to help people (...) become responsible and contributive citizens. Meanwhile, pesantren have taught and built strong characters of the santri in the forms of rabbaniyah, insaniyah, wasathiyyah and waqi’iyyah characters. Therefore, pesantren -based character education the book described is a key element to nurture Muslims’ good habits. This paper shows that the book can be an answer for Indonesia’s contemporary multi-dimensional crises, such as radicalism and terrorism. (shrink)

Fatwa is not only produced by a religious institution such as the IndonesianUlema Council, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, but also by a religious leader nowadays. The use of social media and websites makes more easily for a religious leader to spread out their own opinion. People, now, are more interconnected with each other. Religious experts spread their religious views through personal websites an even through social media. Through their personal websites, Indonesian Muslim intellectuals, Nadirsyah Hosen andFiranda—for example—use their (...) personal websites to spread their religious ideas. It is interesting to read both views of this character because they both have different educational background. Nadirsyah Hosen was graduated from Western University, while Firanda was educated in Saudi Arabia. This article dissects on some of these questions: Using content analysis methods, this study answers some questions; what are their concerns? How do contemporary issues influence their religious views? The study finds that both use a variety of scientific arguments based on various literature. At some level, Nadirsyahtries to combine classical and modern literature, while Firanda focuses on the use of classical literature. Each of these approaches has implications for their personal ideas. (shrink)

The fasting and Eid al-Fitr celebration has a strong public dimension for their traditional characteristics in Islamic communal celebrations. This study used field research from interviews with the two largest mass organisations in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, and the statements of mass media. This research shows that contestation of religious symbols is not something that needs to be debated but it should broaden the understanding of the differences that must be respected in order to build brotherhood not, (...) division. Contestation of religious symbols between the hisab [astronomical calculations] and the ru'yat [sighting a new crescent moon] is a competition between religious organisations, to strengthen their position, social legitimacy and religious authority in the public sphere. The government has to take the initiative to compromise the policy between the two Islamic organisations to reach a methodological agreement in order to minimise social tensions.CONTRIBUTION: This article proposed that understanding the ru'yat and hisab as a symbol of contestation becomes an attribute of religious organisations and part of organisational behaviour and culture. (shrink)

Throughout Islamic history, we observe enmity and conflicts between Sunnism and Shiism, nonetheless there has been also reconciliation between these sects. This article examines the opportunities and challenges of Sunni-Shia convergence in Indonesia. Such a picture will reveal a better understanding of the features of Sunni-Shia convergence in the country and their relationship with the notion of ‘Indonesian Islam’. The hostility between Shiism and Sunnism in Indonesia is triggered by misunderstandings between these sects, politicisation of Shiism, as well as geopolitical (...) tensions in the Middle East. These constitute the challenges of Sunni-Shia convergence. One may also observe the ventures of Sunni-Shia convergence which have been undertaken by the scholars of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, and other Islamic civil society organisations. Grounding on these enterprises and the enduring elaboration of ‘Indonesian Islam’, the opportunities of and the prospects for Sunni-Shia rapprochement in the country are envisaged. (shrink)

The post-New Order Indonesian politics has provided a political opportunity structure for the state towards democratization. It has a double-edged sword whatsoever: on the one hand democratization could lead to the civic engagement, but on the other hand, it provides a hot bed for the flourishing of anti-civic organization. As for the latter, following the fall of authoritarian regime of new Order in 1998, Indonesians have also witnessed the birth of transnational Islamist and radical organizations threatening the state’s integrity and (...) peaceful coexistence of the citizens. Amid the public appearance of these radical organization, an issue of ideological infiltration and sabotage of radical organization upon mainstreaming moderate Muslim organizations, such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah do exist. This article tries to reveal the impacts of a such infiltration practices and the extent that radical narratives win the minds and hearts of important Muslim leaders. Taking a closer a look to Muslim leaders in Sampang district in the island of Madura, the centrum of traditionalist Muslim in Indonesian Islamo-landscape, finds out that intolerant and radical ideologies do resonate clearly among the leaders. This finding resort as an alarm and counter-narrative to the long-admired Islamic traditionalism as an important backbone for moderate Islam in Indonesia. (shrink)

This paper examines character education as discussed through Kitab Adab al-‘Alim wa al-Muta’allim by the founder of the largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama, Kiai Hasyim Asy’ari. It tries to locates character education as the transformation of Muslim subjects as the foundation of social piety. The article further argues that Kiai Hasyim Asy’ari through his work had laid a comprehensive Islamic values that are parallel to principles of character education. The core values of Islamic character education centers (...) on the notions of rabbaniyah, insaniyah, wasathiyyah and waqi’iyyah. Therefore, Kitab Adab al-‘Alim wa al-Muta’allim reserves as a pesantren-based character education with a particular reference of creating a Muslim subject with social-piety element. (shrink)

The development of social media technology makes it easy for people to access information about religious knowledge. Anyone can learn the religion from social media, one of them is Youtube. This phenomenon seems to force young Nahdlatul Ulama _kiai _such as Gus Baha, Gus Miftah, and Gus Muwafiq to be adaptive and familiar to social media like Youtube. It makes them close to being called millennial _kiai_. This paper used a phenomenological approach based on observations on Youtube that (...) examines the educational interaction of millennial kiai in carrying out the process of Islamic proselytization and creating a role model of social education that they do. The educational interaction carried out by millennial _kiai_ on Youtube is very effective in attracting the interest of citizens. The number of their viewers is between four to eight million in one year. The number of videos viewed is around one hundred editions. Whereas the role model of millennial social education of _kiai_ is analyzed through Bandura theory which starts through a process of stimulus, observation, then processed in mental cognitive, then creates motivation so that demands a response by giving likes and subscribing comments. The response is the beginning of constant behavior change. (shrink)

This article examines dynamics of Islamic discourses in Post-New Order Indonesia, focusing on the birth of Jaringan Islam Liberal/JIL. The network which emerged in 2001 was a result of informal meeting and group discussions of young intellectuals at Jalan Utan Kayu 68 H, East Jakarta who later agreed to establish the JIL. Since its earliest foundation, the networks has been at the forefront to attack Islamic extremist and fundamentalist groups while calling for Islamic liberalism. This article tries portray the emergence (...) of the JIL and its liberalism agenda and offers the contestation on Islamic liberalism in Indonesia. As for the latter, it not only encapsulates responses of fundamentalism groups, but also important Muslim organisation, like the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama/NU and the Modernist Muhammadiyah, and important Indonesian Muslim thinkers. This article further argues that Islamic liberalism that takes its root to Muslim activism during the New Order Indonesia has shaken the basic foundation of religion as introducing liberalism in Islamic discourses. It has invited contestation and responses for a significant Muslim groups, including the two-most important Indonesian Muslim organisations, the NU and the Muhammadiyah. As this article further demonstrates, the contestation is mainly because of different opinions among Muslims on the limit of reason to understand religion. (shrink)

This article examines dynamics of Islamic discourses in Post-New Order Indonesia, focusing on the birth of Jaringan Islam Liberal/JIL. The network which emerged in 2001 was a result of informal meeting and group discussions of young intellectuals at Jl. Utan Kayu 68 H, East Jakarta who later agreed to establish the JIL. Since its earliest foundation, the networks has been at the forefront to attack Islamic extremist and fundamentalist groups while calling for Islamic liberalism. This article tries to portray the (...) emergence of the JIL and its liberalism agenda and offers the contestation on Islamic liberalism in Indonesia. As for the latter, it not only encapsulates responses of fundamentalist groups, but also important Muslim organisation, like the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama/NU and the Modernist Muhammadiyah, and important Indonesian Muslim thinkers. This article further argues that Islamic liberalism that takes its root to Muslim activism during the New Order Indonesia has shaken the basic foundation of religion as introducing liberalism in Islamic discourses. It has invited contestation and responses for a significant Muslim group, including the two-most important Indonesian Muslim organisations, the NU and the Muhammadiyah. As this article further demonstrates, the contestation is mainly because of different opinions among Muslims on the limit of reason to understand religion. (shrink)

Nawawī of Banten and Haji Hasan Mustapa are two important figures of Malay-Indonesian Muslim scholars who have been widely studied. However, personal proximity of these two ‘ulamā’ seems to escape from scholarly discussion. Seen from the light of scholarly commenting tradition, this study on the other hand attempts to show their personal proximity between the senior teacher and young student when they lived in Mecca in the late nineteenth century. The sharh tradition of these two ‘ulamā’ particularly through appear in (...) Nawawī’s al-’Iqd al-Thamīn that aims to comment on Mustapa’s work, Al-Fath al-Mubīn, and Mustapa’s al-Lum’a al-Nūrāniyya, a response to Nawawī’s al-Shadra al-Jummāniyya. These two Arabic books were published in Cairo, Egypt. This article further argues that the sharh tradition situates authority and reputation as the epicenter of scholarly discussion between the two ‘ulamā’ who were influential among the Jawah community. It also argues that these two Sundanese scholars contributed significantly in the transmission of Islamic learning in the early twentieth century Middle East. Their works show a scholarly reputation which delivers insights on exceptionality of Islamic and Malay archipelagic issues and serve as a global contribution of Malay-Indonesian ‘ulamā’ to the triumph of Islamic learning traditions. (shrink)

This article highlights the role of Majelis Ulama Indonesia in making anti-pluralism discourse and practice which are evident in its fatwa on belief . It begins with the explanation of MUI which in the first three decades of its establishment was a fatwa body that supported pluralism, but since the downfall of the authoritarian Suharto regime in 1998, has changed its position from supporter to detractor of pluralism. This article argues that the institutionalization of anti- pluralism discourse through the (...) MUI fatwa creates complexity especially because Indonesia contains the idea of pluralism in its constitution. The situation becomes more complex when the state and also Muslim organizations strengthen the position of MUI in monopolizing fatwa-making on ‘aqīda issues. The monopolization of fatwa on Islamic belief issues creates such a negative impact for religious freedom in Indonesia due to its fundamental characteristics that allow only a single judgment for the Muslim communities in understanding and interpreting their Islamic belief. Finally this article concludes the importance of Indonesia for protecting pluralism for maintaining the diversity of cultures and religions in this country. (shrink)

During the Palembang Sultanate, the Sammaniyah order was the official religion of the Palembang palace. Sammaniyah tariqa scholars were also made officials and advisers to the sultan. This article aims to discuss the power relations of the Palembang Sammaniyah ulama in terms of continuity and change in the regime of power. From the 19th to the 20th centuries, the Sammaniyah tariqa lived and developed under five regimes of power, namely the Sultanate of Palembang Darussalam, the Dutch colonists, the Japanese (...) invaders, the Old Order and New Order. Palembang Sammaniyah tarekat scholars who are considered conservative (kaum tuo) have to deal with modern scholars (kaum mudo) because of the khilafiyah problem. As a result, there was a great shift by the Sammaniyah ulama in maintaining and developing the Sammaniyah order in Palembang. Firstly, the shift occurred in the role and function of the ulama of the tarekat, changing from religious leaders who teach Islamic religious knowledge to multifunctional scholars in dealing with modernism by utilising public space. Secondly, the charismatic nature of the Sammaniyah tarekat ulama formed the authority of the ulama so that the ulama could play a role in sociopolitical affairs in each power regime. Thirdly, contemporary tarekat scholars and Sammaniyah tarekat scholars who are considered conservative scholars could compete with mudo people who were considered religious reformers. Besides, the ongoing Islamisation challenged the Sammaniyah tariqa scholars in maintaining and developing the Sammaniyah tariqa.Contribution: This research will contribute to determining the relationship between power and the existence of scholars. The question that the article tries to explore is how the identity and existence of the ulama could survive every change of power in Palembang. This article will discuss the changes in power that have occurred in each period that caused a change in mindset and a shift in the identity of the ulama. This study discusses the power relations of the Palembang Sammaniyah ulama in changing regimes of power and finds the fact that power can affect the order. (shrink)

: This article analyses the roles of ‘ulamā’ in propagating the messageof Islam in the Malay world. Islam managed to reach many corners of the Malayworld in the 17th century. Evidence has indicated that ‘ulamā’ were amongthose who had participated actively in propagating the messages of Islam tothe local people. Classical Malay texts served as the best available records tounderstand the roles of these ‘ulamā’ at that time. Hence, analysis are made onselected classical Malay texts in order to understand the (...) actual roles played bythe ‘ulamā’ in the Malay world at that time in transforming the understandingof the local Malay people from the beliefs in Hindu-Buddhist and animism toIslam. Three significant roles of the ‘ulamā’ at that time have been identifiednamely propagating knowledge to the local people, religious advisors to therulers as well as engaging with the non-Muslims. (shrink)

: While Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī is known to posterity primarily as a historian and commentator on the Qurʾan, his most creative work may have been in the law, and Ibn al-Nadim places his main entry on al-Ṭabarī in Book VI of the Fihrist, on law. Unfortunately, most of his legal works have been lost. Building on and revising George Makdisi’s analysis of the relationship between the ṭabaqāt genre and the theoretical justification of the legal madhhabs, this study (...) argues that one of these lost books, Marātib al-ʿulamāʾ “Degrees of the Scholars,” was devoted to the generations of jurists and intended to provide a theoretical basis for the authority of the Jarīrī madhhab, one among a number of pieces of evidence that suggest al-Ṭabarī was consciously designing and creating his own legal madhhab, in contrast to earlier jurists, such as Abū Ḥanīfah and al-Shāfiʿī, whose legal madhhabs were created by subsequent generations of students. (shrink)

Within Muslim communities, the ‘ulama are considered the most crucial corporate social agency that drives the ideological and spiritual energy to the members of the society who find religious teachings necessary for their individual and social, if not always political, lives. However, when the ‘ulama of Bangladesh gathered under the umbrella platform of Hefazat-e-Islam in 2010, agitated by the numerous upheavals of the government’s policies, scholars and members of the civil society often dubbed them as regressive, reactionary, and (...) insensitive to modern changes. While anthropologists have challenged this dichotomy, this article aims to understand the HI ‘ulama’s views on modern changes and how the ‘ulama safeguard the traditional integrity in legal, educational, and gender aspects within the domain of the Bangladeshi state mechanism. Based on anthropological notions of tradition and piety, this article argues that the ‘ulama’s position on education, woman, and legal questions is neither monolithic nor static; rather there is always discussion, debate, and dynamism within the ‘ulama itself. (shrink)

One of the main ideas of the article is the foresight that the organization of the ulama, which distinguishes itself from its counterparts in other cultures with its unique free and open-to-change structure, played a major role in the success of the Ottoman Empire. Carrying out educational activities in madrasahs, the higher educational institutions of the state, the ulama (the organization of ‘ilmiyyah) was at a level that could lead the society with its scientific accumulation, efforts to make (...) sense of life, and universal perspectives. This article discusses whether the rapid decline of the ulama in the 18th and 19th centuries has been manipulated or not. Another issue that the article pays attention to is the intellectuals who were opposed to the ulama under the influence of Western culture after the declaration of the 1839 Tanzimat Edict. These intellectuals started to replace the ulama in the Ottoman Empire in a short time and became a kind of representatives of the Western culture. A new dilemma was that these new reformists aimed to become Westernized while preserving Islamic values in the Islamic world. The aim of the article is to examine this paradox in its historical background and to reveal what kind of effect and perception it creates on the society. "Historical research method" was used in the research. Through this method, the period that constitutes the subject of the study has been critically examined and attempted to be analyzed correctly. (shrink)

The rise of religious conservatism following the 1998 reformasi has altered the face of Indonesian Islam, which has historically been regarded as peaceful and inclusive, which is why the Indonesian government has advocated for moderate Islam on a regional, national and even a global scale. Using West Java as a case study, this article presents the 2019 'English for Ulama' initiative, which intends to train ulama in West Java about the concept of moderate Islam before sending them to (...) the United Kingdom to promote moderate Islamic discourse in a global setting. This study demonstrates that the EFU programme is a strategic project that not only benefits West Javanese ulama regionally, where they may develop networks with other Muslims on a worldwide scale, but also benefits from the national development of moderate Islamic discourse. On a global scale, this programme is one of the best examples of moderate Islamic discourse diplomacy as the nature of Indonesian Islam. Furthermore, supporting moderate Islam on a worldwide scale is likely to influence Western society's view of Islamophobia. CONTRIBUTION: Although the EFU programme is a local government initiative, it has contributed to the promotion of moderate Islam at the world level and is framed as global diplomacy. (shrink)

On the eminence of knowledge according to the teachings of various Muslim sufis and scholars.