In recent years, an increased interest in journalistic roles has inspired multiple empirical studies aimed at establishing the journalistic role conception and performance of journalists worldwide. Ukraine is not an exception. Studies published in recent years show that the professional culture of journalists in Ukraine is changing, resulting in the “blurring of boundaries” between journalism and activism. Moreover, Ukrainian journalists also show a high degree of political engagement. However, these studies have not measured the specific professional settings of investigative journalists, (...) who form a unique community in the Ukrainian media system. Therefore, this study is devoted to uncovering the role conceptions of Ukrainian investigative journalists, their professional identities, and culture. The results show that many journalists express multiple roles: a “populist mobilizer” combined with “watchdog” role, or “watchdog” combined with “critical change agent” role. This confirms the hypothesis that a multiplicity of roles and blurring of boundaries are also present among investigative journalists. (shrink)

Language has traditionally been an important marker of Ukrainian identity which, due to a lack of independent statehood, has been ethnic rather than civic. The contradictory policies of the Soviet regime produced a large discrepancy between ethnocultural identity and language use. In independent Ukraine this discrepancy persisted, as increased identification with the Ukrainian nation was not accompanied by a commensurate increase in the use of the Ukrainian language, even though the latter was predominantly valued as a symbol of nationhood. The (...) Euromaidan and the subsequent Russian aggression further detached language use from national identity, as many Russian speakers came to identify strongly with the inclusive Ukrainian nation without abandoning their accustomed language or even adding Ukrainian as an active part of their communicative repertoire. The post-Maidan leadership refrained from an active promotion of Ukrainian for fear of provoking alienation among Russian speakers, but this policy exacerbates the disadvantaged position of the titular language in various domains and causes discontent among those viewing it as a crucial component of national identity. (shrink)

Empirical research into political sentiments gives force to the proposition that, in the context of the 2013–14 Euromaidan and subsequent war, Ukrainian national identity, for most of its history predominantly ethno-cultural, has undergone changes justifying its qualification as ‘civic’. In this article I discuss the ethno-cultural orientation, conventional during the 19th and 20th centuries, of Ukrainian literary history, a scholarly genre that has a tradition of promoting the cause of Ukrainian nation-building; I identify contemporary examples of discourses in the (...) literary sphere – literary works themselves, literary anthologies and the public statements and debates of writers – that embody or applaud civic identities akin to those in evidence on the Euromaidan; and I reflect upon the values, inclusive and multicultural, that a Ukrainian national literary history rhetorically in harmony with post-Euromaidan sentiment would evince. (shrink)

Euromaidan and dignity revolution, which further continues, clearly show that without change in the national policy of culture change the country will be very difficult. It's tactics and strategy formation space of life for the citizens of Ukraine, information about Ukrainian and country in the world, formed throughout history and established in today's harmful and humiliating stereotypes, myths. Obviously the official state culture has long been not satisfied an active, creative part of society. Outside the official data analysis of (...) cultural policy meet in publications, cultural in content, authored by writers, critics, scholars and public figures. Balance cultural processes, that attitude to culture as an important tool strengthening state sovereignty on the political, spiritual, economic and other levels and other levels within Ukraine and abroad ensured civil society. They monitor cultural processes. Among the most notable, sharp and accurate assessments of cultural policy is advisable to allocate positions L. Kostenko, I. Dziuba, O. Zabuzhko, M. Riabchuk and other lesser-known experts. These persons is difficult to accuse of bias. In the article was put goal disclose the relationship to the national cultural policy of the Ukrainian intelligentsia and civil society experts, that are recognized in Ukraine and the world. (shrink)

Ukraine’s “Revolution of Dignity,” spanning both the 2013–2014 protests in Kyiv’s city center and the mass mobilization of grass-roots resistance against Russian aggression in 2014–2015 and thereafter, manifest new interpretations of ideas and philosophical concepts. In the first part of the article we unravel the meaning of the Ukrainian word hidnist – a moniker of the revolution whose significance remains underestimated. In the second part we situate Ukraine’s revolution within a broader context of “modernity” and suggest its individualist foundation may (...) be replaced by a form of “personalism” – an ethic that echoes that of Ukraine’s revolutionaries. In the third part of the article, we delve into the substance of the revolution’s agenda: its protagonists’ promise to build a non-hierarchical community of “fairness”. In the fourth and final section, the main argument of the article is summarized, namely: that the shift from individualism to personalism in social interaction and the transition from hierarchy to heterarchy in power relations, particularly with respect to institutionalizing “fairness,” embodied in the various structures and organizations formed during Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity, may have been reflective of more comprehensive trends in ideational change affecting European civilization. (shrink)

This article analyses Ukraine’s language policies from 2002 to 2022 within a framework of liberalism, while avoiding making normative judgements or recommendations, updating the discussion raised in Kymlicka and Opalski’s Can Liberal Pluralism be Exported? The analysis takes into consideration Ukraine’s present and historic position, including the challenge that postcolonial nation building can pose for achieving liberalism and linguistic justice. The paper focuses on three main areas of language policy: education, businesses and media, and assesses if they can be described (...) as liberal orthodox, pluralist or illiberal. The article begins by defining liberalism and illiberalism, discussing the context of Ukraine’s linguistic diversity and postcolonial context, before outlining the language situation until EuroMaidan. Then, the main issue of language policy in the areas of education, business and media is analysed, before considering whether Ukrainian language laws might be considered liberal or illiberal. Finally, potential future trajectories are outlined. (shrink)

This volume compiles international contributions that explore the potential risks and chances coming along with the wide-scale migration of society into digital space. Suggesting a shift of paradigm from Spiral of Silence to Nexus of Noise, the opening chapter provides an overview on systematic approaches and mechanisms of manipulation – ranging from populist political players to Cambridge Analytica. After a discussion of the the juxtaposition effects of social media use on social environments, the efficient instrumentalization of Twitter by Turkish politicans (...) in the course of the US-decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital is being analyzed. Following a case study of Instagram, Black Lives Matter and racism is a research about the impact of online pornography on the academic performance of university students. Another chapter is pointing out the potential of online tools for the successful relaunch of shadow brands. The closing section of the book deals with the role of social media on the opinion formation about the Euromaidan movement during the Ukrainian revolution and offers a comparative study touching on Russian and Western depictions of political documentaries in the 2000s. (shrink)

The article's main objective is to show that the Euromaidan movement in Ukraine fulfilled a political role it had not anticipated. By relying on the logic of exclusion of enemy, Euromaidans contributed to the political consolidation of the national enemy in its struggle against its own political regime. They helped the formation of both the liberal, protest collective subject in Russia and the Ukrainian liberal, collective subject. Such a strong correspondence, even melding, of the nationalist, political subjectivity of the (...) Ukrainian maidans with Russian, liberal, protest subjectivity indicates a coinciding of two types of nationalism, which both equally divide the nation into two subjects: the subject of the Nation, with a capital “N” and the subject of the nation, with a lowercase “n”.*. (shrink)