Bireyleşim, varlıkları bireysel kılan ve onların diğer bireylerden ayrımını sağlayan ilkenin ne olduğunu sorun eder. Birey, güncel bir kavram olmasına rağmen orta çağ filozoflarından bu yana bireysel varlıkların bireyliği anlamında kullanılmış olup bireyleşim, özdeşlik sorunu ile iç içe tartışılmıştır. Bu makalede Aristoteles’in bireyleşim sorununa yaklaşımını incelerken öncellikle genel kabul gören madde teorisini tartışacağız. Maddenin bireyleşim ilkesi olarak savunulması, onun bölünebilirliği ya da özdeşliği ile açıklanabilir. Fakat bölünebilirliğin kendisi bireyleşimi olanaksız kılıyor ve Aristotes’in fikirleri ile çelişki gösteriyor. Maddenin özdeşliği, kendisi yeterince (...) açık olmadığı için bir içeriğe ihtiyaç duyuyor; burada Leibniz’in ayırt edilemezlerin özdeşliği ilkesini tartışmaya dahil ederek bu içeriği maddenin paylaşılamazlığı olarak belirleyeceğiz. Fakat Theseus gemisi örneği üzerinden işaret edeceğimiz oluş sorunu ile karşılaşmaktayız. Diğer taraftan Aristoteles’in bireyleşim ilkesini form olarak görmek, bireysel formları savunmak anlamına geliyor; bireysel formlardan ne kastedildiği açık olmadığı için burada ilinekler üzerinden bireyleşimi sunacağız. Fakat Leibniz ve Aristoteles bu konuda uzlaşması olanaksız görünür ve Aristoteles için ilineklerle bireyleşim kabul edilemez; töze ilişkin olmayan ilineklerle bireyleşim, şeylerin doğası itibariyle bireysel olmadığı anlamına gelir. Ardından konum ile bireyleşim fikrini Aristoteles üzerinden işaret ederek konum anlamında maddenin bireyleşim ilkesi olduğunu savunacağız. Son olarak konum ile bireyleşmenin saltık uzayı gerektirdiğini belirteceğiz ve Leibniz’in ayırt edilemezlerin özdeşliğinin mantıksal olarak geçersiz kılan Black’ın düşünce deneyine değineceğiz. (shrink)

What are the social dynamics behind the rise and resilience of today’s authoritarian regimes? This paper seeks to answer this question by focusing on the longest lasting elected autocracy of our era, the AKP (Justice and Development Party) regime in Turkey. Building on the authoritarian neoliberalism literature’s criticism of the scholarship on competitive authoritarianism, I point out the seeds of authoritarianism in the pro-market reforms of the 1980s–2000s. However, both literatures fail to address the popular embrace of authoritarianism. In critical (...) engagement with analyses of fascism, I develop the concept ‘democratic autocracy’: a parliamentarised, individualised, personalistic, and relatively more market-oriented, twenty-first century version of fascism. The democratic autocracy in Turkey organises and mobilises the people through parties, youth and aid associations, paramilitary organisations, and unions. However, both unresolved economic crises and democratic autocracy’s sociopolitical dynamics set limits to its resilience, as well as to the sustainability of its parliamentarism. (shrink)

What lies behind the amalgam of liberalism, elitism, anti-capitalism, and fascistic elements in today’s street politics? This essay analyzes this mixture in light of the shifting class locations of middle strata. Intensified business dominance has not only proletarianized some middle strata but has led to a dry life for even the privileged ones. Middle classes are now taking to the streets to reclaim their specialness. Their exact agendas might not be identical throughout the globe, but a kindred spirit of creativity (...) and aestheticized occupation unites disparate geographies of revolt. Liberal and radical analyses of the wave of revolt miss its most significant characteristics, which only a re-theorization of the new petty bourgeoisie can capture. The essay outlines a research agenda that would explore the multiple dimensions of middle-class formation, as well as the post-capitalist trajectories that might result from further politicization. (shrink)

Based on a series of interviews with blue-collar women and their husbands in Istanbul, Turkey, this article examines the negotiation of family work in households in which the wives are major providers. The relationships between provider status, women's expectations, and the actual configuration of family work are complexly mediated by cultural constructions, perception of women as providers, marital dynamics, and extended family relationships. Three different discourses characterize family work. Woman's evaluation of her husband as “responsible” or “irresponsible” informs the construction (...) of the male role in the household. Conflict is heightened when men default on both domestic and economic grounds. This study makes a contribution toward a comparative understanding of negotiation of family work by providing an analysis of how structural conditions and cultural ideology interact to construct a gendered division of family work in the household in the context of continuities and discontinuities in sociocultural patterns. (shrink)

The Islamist movement in Turkey bases its mobilization strategy on transforming everyday practices. Public challenges against the state do not form a central part of its repertoire. New Social Movement theory provides some tools for analyzing such an unconventional strategic choice. However, as Islamist mobilization also seeks to reshape the state in the long run, New Social Movement theory (with its focus on culture and society and its relative neglect of the state) needs to be complemented by more institutional analyses. (...) A hegemonic account of mobilization, which incorporates tools from theories of everyday life and identity-formation, as well as from state-centered approaches, is offered as a way to grasp the complexity of Islamism. (shrink)

This article focuses on two aspects of contemporary political philosophy. The first one is political philosophy as a philosophy strategy. The second one is political philosophy as an activity that considers the politicity of philosophy and what is political. Our basic claim is the impossibility of separating these two meanings of political philosophy. Rather than maintaining the distinction between the empirical and the speculative in terms of political philosophy, the basic attitude is to look at what is happening within the (...) polis, whether the police remain without polites or whether the polis allow the political community to recognize it. The discovery of the politicity of philosophy is undoubtedly not something new, however, it has become a more evident focus of philosophy after World War II. Many different trends in contemporary philosophy have brought new ideas within this perspective: from Carl Schmitt to Leo Strauss, from Frankfurt School thinkers to many important figures of contemporary French philosophy, such as Claude Lefort and Cornelius Castoriadis; they all have developed critical, contemporary and radical philosophical thoughts. It can be easily claimed that this movement in political philosophy comes with a conjuncture in which the crisis has become more evident in the context of political praxis and concept. In the first phase, the fading of ideologies forced the return from 'theory' to philosophy. Secondly, the hopelessness and failures created by the actual communisms forced them to consider different praxis. Thirdly, structural crises and transformations in the world political order have also prepared the crisis of liberal political philosophies seeking answers to the existing crisis with their own concepts. It was no coincidence that after the pursuit of pure philosophy in the Belle Époque period, it was recollected as philosophy's politics. A singular, constituent praxis, and an orientation that desires emancipation, is the sole possibility of the idea of the universal. In this context, political philosophy is not only an abstraction practice on political things, but on the contrary, an activity on the establishment or disruption of the logic of political things. The togetherness of the necessity of understanding political things and research faithful to the idea of truth; reveals the vitality of plurality of political organizations against violence. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to indicate the dimensions of Walter Benjamin’s conception of "technique". It is argued that the only way to understand his problematic technique is by considering the concepts of experience and political action. The present article emphasizes the philosopher’s transitivity of technical understanding through a wide range of reflections including Benjamin’s thoughts on Scheerbarts to "second technique" (zweite Technik), from his idea of collective corpus (Leib) to his understanding of experience (Erfahrung), and from the canonic (...) feature of architecture in modern time to revolutionary action. We focused on the common issues in the texts of Benjamin entitled "Experience and Poverty", "Capitalism as Religion" and "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproducibility". At the same time, we stress why the technical question and technicality are central issues in order to understand other Benjamin texts. We use the thematic continuity and differentiation thesis as a method instead of disengagement in his writings. Our essential thesis in this article is that according to Benjamin, a true political organization is an action which puts an end to the domination of the first technique over the second technique. In other words, Benjamin's conception of technique implies on the one hand a radical criticism of the existing order and on the other hand a political moment where all the phantasmagorias of the masses dissolve. In this context, the phantasmagorias, made visible through urban space, are at the same time possibilities for a revolutionary action in order to actualize the hidden forces of humanity. (shrink)

Political parties do not merely reflect social divisions, they actively construct them. While this point has been alluded to in the literature, surprisingly little attempt has been made to systematically elaborate the relationship between parties and the social, which tend to be treated as separate domains contained by the disciplinary division of labor between political science and sociology. This article demonstrates the constructive role of parties in forging critical social blocs in three separate cases, India, Turkey, and the United States, (...) offering a critique of the dominant approach to party politics that tends to underplay the autonomous role of parties in explaining the preferences, social cleavages, or epochal socioeconomic transformations of a given community. Our thesis, drawing on the work of Gramsci, Althusser, and Laclau, is that parties perform crucial articulating functions in the creation and reproduction of social cleavages. Our comparative analysis of the Republican and Democratic parties in the United States, Islamic and secularist parties in Turkey, and the Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress parties in India will demonstrate how “political articulation” has naturalized class, ethnic, religious, and racial formations as a basis of social division and hegemony. Our conclusion is that the process of articulation must be brought to the center of political sociology, simultaneously encompassing the study of social movements and structural change, which have constituted the orienting poles of the discipline. (shrink)

Civilization, Modernity, and Critique provides the first comprehensive, cutting edge engagement with the work of one of the most foundational figures in civilizational analysis: Johann P. Arnason. In order to do justice to Arnason's seminal and wide-ranging contributions to sociology, social theory and history, it brings together distinguished scholars from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds and geographical contexts. Through a critical, interdisciplinary dialogue, it offers an enrichment and expansion of the methodological, theoretical, and applicative scope of civilizational analysis, by addressing (...) some of the most complex and pressing problems of contemporary global society. A unique and timely contribution to the ongoing task of advancing the project of a critical theory of society, this volume will appeal to scholars of sociology and social theory with interests in historical sociology, critical theory and civilizational analysis. (shrink)

Within the agenda of historical-materialist theory and practice Sociological Marxism has delivered a compelling perspective on how to explore and link the analysis of civil society, the state, and the economy within an explicit focus on class exploitation, emancipation, and rich ethnography. This article situates a major analysis of state formation, the rise of the Justice and Development Party, and the growth of a broader Islamist movement in Turkey within the main current of Sociological Marxism. It does so in order (...) to critically examine the rather bold revision of the theory of hegemony at the heart of Cihan Tuğal’sPassive Revolution: Absorbing the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism, which posits the separate interaction of political society, civil society and the state in theorising hegemonic politics in Turkey. My contention is that the revision of hegemony that this analysis offers and its state-theoretical commitments are deeply problematic due to the reliance on what I term ‘ontological exteriority’, meaning the treatment of state, civil society and the economy as always-alreadyseparatespheres. The focus of the critique then moves toward highlighting a frustrating lack of direct engagement with Antonio Gramsci’s writings in this disquisition on hegemony and passive revolution, which has important political consequences. While praise for certain aspects of ethnographic and spatial analysis is raised, it is argued that any account of the reordering of hegemony and the restructuring of spatial-temporal contexts of capital accumulation through conditions of passive revolution also needs to draw from a more sophisticated state theory, a direct reading of Gramsci, and broader scalar analysis of spatial relations and uneven development under capitalism. (shrink)

This study attempts to investigate the role of movie and TV series clips in enhancing EFL learners’ pragmatic competence by utilizing an experimental design. The sample of the study was 42 students from the English language department at Cihan University-Duhok, Iraq. The experiment lasted one academic semester. The participants’ English language proficiency, as determined by an IELTS test sample, was intermediate, and then they were randomly split into two groups, namely experimental and control. Before and after the treatment, a (...) Written Discourse Completion Test served as a pre-and post-test given to the two groups to assess statistically significant differences between them. The experimental group received direct instruction on request and suggestion speech acts via the presentation of the carefully chosen movie and TV series clips. In contrast, the control group was exposed to a minimal amount of pragmatics through printed texts. The findings demonstrated that the experimental group outperformed the control group. More precisely, the findings revealed that movie and TV series clips had a significant influence on learners’ production of requests and suggestions. Considering the above findings, the researchers propose EFL teachers apply movie and TV series clips to improve their Students’ pragmatic competence in class. (shrink)