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  1.  32
    The Moral Incompetence of Anti-corruption Experts.Mario I. Juarez-Garcia - 2021 - Res Publica 27 (4):537-557.
    This paper studies the lessons of principled anti-corruption experts who dared to fulfill their duty of justice in highly corrupt societies, through the true story of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the former Finance Minister of Nigeria. My thesis is that when principled anti-corruption experts are epistemic trespassers, they show moral incompetence. Okonjo-Iweala shows moral incompetence in two ways: she misread the opposition to her strategies and misled other honest reformers. Both actions bungled her efforts to eradicate corruption inasmuch as they hindered the (...)
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  2.  23
    When Moral Talk Becomes Profitable.Mario I. Juarez-Garcia - 2024 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 27 (3):281-299.
    Should businesses engage in moral talk when it becomes profitable? Due to their particular position of visibility, it is reasonable to acknowledge that businesses have specific moral duties. Some might argue that companies ought to help abandon morally repugnant norms by providing examples of alternative behaviors through advertisements. However, the moral talk of businesses might unexpectedly reinforce repugnant norms and increase social tensions in a polarized society. Then, the duty of the companies is not fulfilled when they engage in moral (...)
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  3.  25
    Official Disobedience: Bureaucrats & Unjust Laws.Mario I. Juarez-Garcia - 2024 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 18 (3):743-763.
    A legitimate expectation in a liberal democracy is that public officials enforce the law regardless of its content; when they don’t do so, their actions tend to be publicly condemned. This expectation puts street-level bureaucrats in a moral dilemma when they consider that a certain law is unjust: either they don’t enforce the law and violate their duties to the citizenry, or they enforce it and become complicit in injustices. This paper argues for the legal permission of public officials to (...)
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  4.  24
    Should We Resurrect Institutional Corruption?Mario I. Juarez-Garcia - 2023 - Public Affairs Quarterly 37 (1):1-19.
    Worried that the current paradigm of political corruption (individual corruption: the misuse of public office for private gain) is too narrow to protect democratic institutions from private interests, the political theorist Dennis Thompson resurrects the premodern notion of institutional corruption, which refers to practices that undermine the purpose of political institutions. From the lenses of institutional corruption, practices such as money in political campaigns, lobbying, or wealth inequality are to be condemned and eradicated to protect democratic institutions. The goal of (...)
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  5.  45
    Exit & isolation: Rousseau’s state of nature.Mario I. Juarez-Garcia & Alexander Schaefer - 2022 - Synthese 200 (3):1-21.
    Game theory has proven useful in clarifying Hobbes’s argument that the state of nature will inevitably devolve into a state of war. Mathematically-leaning philosophers, however, have paid little attention to Rousseau’s depiction of the state of nature as a peaceful, asocial state of solitary wanderers. This paper articulates Rousseau’s critique of Hobbes in formal terms, which pinpoints two crucial issues in Hobbes’s account: the lack of an exit option and an unrealistic depiction of human nature. Building upon recent game-theoretic treatments (...)
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  6.  35
    The administrative state.Mario I. Juarez-Garcia & David Schmidtz - 2021 - Social Philosophy and Policy 38 (1):1-5.
    There has always been a tension, in theory, between the public accountability and the professional efficiency of the agencies of the administrative state. How has that tension been handled? What would it be like for it to be well handled?
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  7.  19
    Public Servants.Mario I. Juarez-Garcia & Alexander Schaefer - 2022 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 20 (1-2):79-110.
    Several political philosophers have recently pointed out that current electoral democracies fail to facilitate accurate and reliable feedback on the performance of public officials. Rather than rejecting democracy as a hopeless ideal, we defend an institutional reform called Service Responsibility, which introduces a superior incentive structure that better aligns the interests of citizens and public officials. Service Responsibility requires increasing or decreasing the income of public officials insofar as they succeed or fail to achieve democratically chosen goals. Later, we consider (...)
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