The subject matter of this article is the right to health as one of the moral rights granted to all human beings. In the first part, I provide an overview of selected international documents that consider health a human right and, in the second part, I investigate the most significant commentaries on these documents. Accordingly, I attempt to bring out and arrange in an order the main ethical claims contained in these documents and commentaries, discussing such issues as the kinds (...) of rights related to health, the conditions of access to health-related goods or the duties of the states implicated by the right to health. (shrink)

Punktem odniesienia mojego tekstu jest wystąpienie Ryszarda Panasiuka poświęcone idei świeckości państwa, którą traktuję jako składnik nowoczesności. W kontekście kryzysu wywołanego rozwojem nowoczesności stawiam pytanie o możliwość podjęcia działań prewencyjnych. Utrzymuję, że ich skuteczność zależy od tego, czy możliwe jest spojrzenie na obecną sytuację z perspektywy zewnętrzności (transgresja), do której odnoszą się światopoglądy często pozostające ze sobą w konflikcie. Twierdzę, że świeckie państwo stwarza szansę na owocny dialog tych światopoglądów stwarzając szansę na realizację działań prewencyjnych.

The article deals with relations between the individual and human rights on the one hand, and the State on the other, in the context of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The author poses the question whether the idea of subordination of the State to the individual is really a central idea of that constitution. He puts forward many arguments against such suggestion. These arguments relate, above all, to the arrangement of the constitution: a chapter concerning human rights is (...) chapter II, while chapter I deals with foundation of the State; the goals of the State are specified in the preamble including the following initial phrase “the existence and future of Poland as our Homeland” and in Article 5 where human rights are as subject of protection by the State is mentioned after independence and integrity of [its] territory; a general concept of human rights protection adopted in the constitution is dominated by the structures typical of law in its objective sense; the way of regulation admissible limitations on human rights differs from international standards; possibility of claiming human rights is constitutionally guaranteed, mostly by constitutional complaint which is above all aimed at correction of legal system, rather than claiming of rights by the individual; Article 1 (“The Republic of Poland shall be the common good of all its citizens”) interpreted as referring to Article 1 paragraph 1 of the April Constitution of 1935, one of the main ideas of which was precedence of the State over the individual. He also analyses the arguments in favour of the recognition of the idea of subordination of the State. Nevertheless, they cannot be accepted as resolving the question of whether it is a central idea of the constitution. These arguments include in particular: the principle of subsidiarity contained in the preamble, even if it has not been appropriately emphasized there; recognition of inherent and inalienable dignity of the person, but it was not until Article 30 that this provision has been contained and it does not determine the relations between the human dignity and rights and the State. The author suggests that the only conclusive way to justify the subordination of the State in relation to the individual as a central idea of the constitution is by means of Article 1. Taking into account, above all, preparatory work, we should reject the interpretation of that article referring to the April (1935) Constitution. Essential interpretative context may be found in preparatory work and social teachings of the Catholic Church, referred to therein. In that case, the common good means the entirety of the conditions of social life which favour the human development. These conditions include above all the respect for human dignity. Such interpretation of Article 1 gives priority to proposals on what the State should be to serve the individual rather than to safeguard obligations of citizens in relation to the State. (shrink)

The dominant contemporary interpretation of Adam Smith’s thought endeavors to show his anti-state attitude. According to this interpretation, Smith, as the father of economics would also be an opponent of state interference in the activity of private entities. The purpose of this work is a comprehensive presentation of the social system described by a Scottish philosopher. This task is accomplished by drawing attention to Smith’s views on the state and the law, as well as on his participation in the creation (...) of an area of knowledge known then as political economy. In order to reconcile the seemingly inconsistent views presented in Smith’s most famous works, the main subject of this analysis are the less frequently studied _Lectures on Jurisprudence_. This book, which offers Smith’s views on the role of the state and law, is the key to the correct reading of the thesis put in _Theory of Moral Sentiments_ and _An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations_. The social system emerging from these works referred to by Smith as the civil government, can in retrospect be regarded as the progenitor of liberal democracy. The state and the law play a vital role in the economic life of this system. (shrink)

Paper examines place and role of states in the modern world. Firstly the concept of globalization will be shortly analyzed. It is a notion that, especially in the social sciences, has a lot of meanings, because it has many aspects and levels. Author will try to localize the main issues that makes globalization a complex notion. Secondly, problem of paradigm crisis in political science will be presented. Classic meanings of politics and power has been outdated, because of new phenomenons that (...) are consequences of globalization. That means that we should try to look for notions and methods that will help us to understand surrounding world and socio-political sphere, especially when it comes to state, power, politics and international relations. Then the concept of “the art of rule” invented by Jadwiga Staniszkis will be presented. Author will emphasize that this theoretical concept will be helpful in analyzing subjectivity of states in the age of globalization. Then author, basing on this concept, will try to examine the subjectivity of state in modern world. An attempt will be also made to show what is network power and its consequences, point out the subjects that will replace state that is losing its position and think about the future of the states. (shrink)

What does ‘the neutrality of the state’ mean and is it possible? There are two colliding concepts in political thought regarding the extent of the state’s intervention in the life of an individual. The first of them is minimalist and the second is that of the common good. It is in this context that it is worthwhile analysing what neutrality means. The dispute between the advocates of the state’s neutrality and its enemies is not only of a theoretical nature. The (...) lack of agreement in this matter often leads to political conflicts, which antagonise not only politicians but also society in its entirety, as in the case of abortion or euthanasia. Neutrality is one of the main features of a contemporary, liberal state. In the liberal approach, the standpoint may be also put forth that compromise and toleration are the most important of liberal and democratic values. The essence of this is the separation of the sphere of the state from that of morality, which results in the creation of a space for discussion, polemics and dispute. Involvement on the part of the state raises controversy, most of all in the moral sphere related to one’s philosophy of life. When we talk of the neutrality of the state, the issue which comes to the fore is that of religious toleration and an issue akin to this, the issue of relations between the state and the church. The contemporary understanding of this matter is more narrow. Neutrality of the state is associated with the latter’s remaining distant from any philosophy of life, and not necessarily only that which is rooted in religion. The issue of religious toleration has, however, contributed to a large degree to the debates on the neutrality of the state which are being carried out at present and the very idea of the neutrality of the state is like a generalisation of the role of the concept of neutrality with regard to religion. (shrink)

Jezuici stanowili zawsze przedmiot licznych publikacji, ale szczególnie w ostatnim okresie literatura na ich temat wzbogaciła się o wiele cennych rozpraw naukowych. W ich świetle jawi się nowy obraz zakonu o różnorodnych odcieniach i barwach, zastępując dotychczasowy białoczarny. Dyskusjom nie ma jednak końca. „Sukcesom zakonu - pisał Janusz Tazbir - odpowiadały rosnące stosy literatury antyjezuickiej, która również w Polsce przetrwała szczytowy okres swego rozwoju. Spór o rolę zakonu w politycznych, kulturalnych, a nawet gospodarczych dziejach Europy trwa już od przeszło czterystu (...) lat i nic nie zapowiada jego rychłego zakończenia. Przy ocenie jezuióöw w zbyt małym chyba jednak stopniu zwracano uwagę na fakt, iż byli oni pionierami „wielkiego kompromisu'' we wszystkich niemal dziedzinach, z wyjątkiem oczywiście kompromisu z „herezją". I dzięki temu też, czysto wbrew wlasnym intencjom, stawali się prekursorami nowych rozwiązań". (shrink)

The author describes the moment of the emergence of the concept of sovereignty, its causes, historical significance, as well as the issues raised in the debate over this concept since the seventeenth century. Sovereignty refers to the state and points to its essential feature, which defines the state as the result of occidental rationalism (Max Weber). According to this definition, the state is different from other, earlier and parallel political forms, such as republics and empires. However, changes in the history (...) of the state also affect the way in which sovereignty is understood. Consequently, the concept of sovereignty is often difficult to justify or is even – as some authors claim – anachronistic. The author outlines different approaches in the discussion about the validity of this concept and their premises. He also describes the relationship between the principle of sovereignty and the democratic rule of law. (shrink)

The author presents defi nitions of the concepts ‘state’ and ‘sovereignty’, which were formed in the modern era on the grounds of the European philosophy of politics, and reads them in the context of the Polish historical and political experience. He posits that the two concepts make up an inseparable whole belonging to the European tradition of statehood, in which sovereignty is the fundamental feature of a state and of a political structure, a feature which such a structure, if it (...) constitutes a state must, in a way, by definition, possess. Sovereignty is a unique feature of a state because it stands apart from state’s other traits; it also stands apart from the state itself. It is distinct among other features, because the latter assume its existence, as it is only a sovereign state which can have the real, authentic and lasting features which determine its identity and character. (shrink)

In this article, I present Höffe’s analyses, the most important consequence of which is his claim that the best form of a just state at the present civilisational stage is a democratic state of law. Before Höffe makes a claim like that, he places his considerations in a historical-philosophical context of a discussion on the theory of a just state, as well as contemporary controversies evoked by the necessity of the existence of state as such. It is necessary to present (...) this context because it makes it easier to understand the way leading Höffe to the acceptance of a democratic state of law as a just system. The first part of the article is devoted to this issue. In the second part, I explain the most important anthropological-ethical fundaments on which Höffe bases his theory of a just state. Among them, the most significant seems to be an indication that man is a rational and combative creature by nature, and it is only the theory of a just exchange that helps to justify an obligatory character of basic human rights. The third part shows the way Höffe authorizes the necessity of the existence of the state as such, as well as search for a certain form of a just state, which ends with the perception of a democratic state of law as a just system. (shrink)

The subject matter of the paper is the John Paul II teachings on the fields of a state’s activity in economic life. The first part of article talks about general elements of economic order: private property, liberal market, a just salary for labour and the participation of workers in the control of a business. The second part of the paper confirms that the state ought to create a solid infrastructure of economy and to find a good balance between different sectors (...) of economic life. The last part of the paper shows that the state ought to interfere sometimes in the economic field, for example, to combat unemployment and poverty, or to protect the family. (shrink)

Począwszy od lat 40. XIX w. w refleksji o polityce coraz większej wagi nabiera termin sprawiedliwości społecznej. Podstawowa funkcja państwa, jaką jest zaprowadzanie sprawiedliwości, czyni rozumienie tego terminu rzeczą kluczową. W niniejszym tekście głównym przedmiotem zainteresowania jest znaczenie nadawane sprawiedliwości społecznej w perspektywie celów wyznaczanych państwu opiekuńczemu. Z tego względu obiektem badania będą sensy nadawane pojęciu sprawiedliwości społecznej. W tej dziedzinie można wyróżnić przynajmniej dwa nakładające się na siebie aspekty. Pierwszy dotyczy charakteryzowania samej sprawiedliwości. Da się ją bowiem ujmować (...) jako cnotę, normę lub uprawnienie. Drugi aspekt odnosi się do odmiany sprawiedliwości utożsamianej ze sprawiedliwością społeczną. W tym przypadku w grę wchodzą takie jak: sprawiedliwość ogólna (prawna), rozdzielcza, wyrównawcza. Oprócz ujmowania sprawiedliwości społecznej jako identycznej z którymś z powyższych rodzajów sprawiedliwości bywa ona też traktowana jako idea zaprowadzania równości bądź solidarności w środowisku społecznym. (shrink)

The author discusses two cities as interpreted by St. Augustine, the Doctor of the Church. While the first one, which Augustine personally experienced on the example of the fall of the Roman Empire, is temporal, the second is located in the nether world. However, we can experience the blessings of the latter here and now provided that we live according to the word of God, i.e. in a Christian manner. The author uses the example of Rome and its earthly glories (...) and refers to the history of the Hebrew kingdoms described in the Bible to outline various contexts of this dichotomy. He presents a critique of Roman polytheism, classified by Augustine as a false religion, and shows the profound political, social and historical significance of his teaching about the two cities. He concludes that St. Augustine’s teaching remains up-to-date in the present-day world. (shrink)

The theory of a deliberative, democratic state posited by Jurgen Habermas fills the gaps in the concepts of democracy proper to liberalism and republicanism. Habermas’ theory intermediates between the liberal and the republican models, avoiding the one-sidedness to which they tend. A deliberative state ruled by law is based on a discursive forming of the will, the essence of which is communicative rationality, setting out the framework of a democratic procedure legitimising the rightfully made law and a law-abiding state. Communicative (...) rationality guarantees that all the important interests will be accounted for. In this model, the public space, in turn, is perceived and understood as a possibility whereby all the stakeholders are able to create procedures. In his theory of liberalism, Habermas refers to a higher level of intersubjectivity where the communication processes occurs, which leads on the one hand to the institutionalising of deliberations, in the form of political bodies, and on the another hand, to the establishing of an informal network of linkages in the public sphere. Contrary to the liberal and republican model, the deliberative model of a democratic, law-governed state is focussed on the discursive legitimisation of the law, while politics here is understood as a public activity being played out in the interpersonal sphere. In such politics, the attention is displaced from the fi nal act of voting to the process of agreeing the rules and arriving at an agreement. (shrink)

The state is the means by which the most primeval human problems are solved. It is, an entirety, capable of confronting an opponent in a fierce fight for survival. It is an authoritative, total and sovereign entity, having at its disposal the power to set out measures, to encompass the whole of public life and to make final decisions; it is in such words that this institution was described by Carl Schmitt, who added: should any of these features be missing, (...) the state will cease to exist. Its existence depends on this power, which is necessary to identify the enemy adequately, to defeat it and to make peace. The state is also an answer to those human passions too destructive to be freely unleashed; conceit, envy and aggression. Machiavelli, Hobbes, de Maistre or Hegel, regarded as political thinkers par excellence, had no doubts whatsoever in this respect. Because of their anthropological pessimism, they were all followers of Plato. They knew that the realm of politics is a cave where one should not expect to meet wise men and saints. A hero of politics is enthralled by the play of shadows and echoes and devotes to it his all time and passion. Moved by an exuberant ambition and tempted by the hope of immortal glory, he pursues mirages.The liberals seem not to understand these nooks and crannies of the human psyche and not even to notice them. They reduce the mystery of our multifarious needs to one: lust. The entire wealth of feelings is reduced to the fear of poverty, greed and the want of luxury. They claim that all our choices are accompanied by economic motivation. The central character of liberal philosophy is Adam Smith’s homo oeconomicus. The Wealth of Nations is, to them, a priceless source of knowledge regarding everyone’s conduct. The economic way of thinking and the methods of eliminating tensions derived from the capitalist economy should, to them, provide a template for the solving of conflicts in other areas as well, including politics. What becomes important is the scope of power, which raises the highest distrust. It is the largest threat to the value which has been recognised as the most precious: human freedom. (shrink)

Artykuł rekonstruuje najważniejsze elementy filozofii polityki Dawida Hume’a dotyczące możliwość ukonstytuowania się państwa. Zdaniem szkockiego filozofa warunkiem wyjścia ze stanu natury jest określenie praw własności, które w dalszej konsekwencji prowadzi do stworzenia prawa pozytywnego oraz wskazania reguł sprawowania władzy. Hume wskazuje na psychologiczne przesłanki powstania państwa, odnajdując je w naturalnej dla wszystkich ludzi motywacji egoistycznej i ograniczonej życzliwości. Wizja powstania państwa, wynikająca ze sposobu, w jaki Hume rozumiał udział rozumu i namiętności w ludzkim doświadczeniu, stanowi jednocześnie kontynuację (...) krytycznego namysłu nad filozofią praktyczną wywodzącą się w brytyjskiej filozofii od Locke’a i Hobbesa. (shrink)

Autor artykułu polemizuje z szeroko rozpowszechnionym poglądem, jakoby Platon wykluczył poetów z państwa. Czołowym przedstawicielem tegoż poglądu w polskim piśmiennictwie filozoficznym jest Alfred Gawroński, który sprowadza spór miedzy Platonem a greckimi poetami do konfliktu miedzy dialogiem a monologiem. Przy wnikliwszym spojrzeniu na ten problem okazuje się jednak, ze Platon wcale nie był aż tak bardzo krytycznie nastawiony do twórczości poetów, a nawet, ze w swym przyszłym idealnym państwie nadal chciał odwoływać się do poezji, tyle ze odpowiednio dobranej i uporządkowanej (...) ze względu na większy pożytek obywateli. Autor, solidaryzując się z opiniami Wernera Jaegera, znakomitego znawcy greckiej kultury antycznej, uważa, ze Platon niejednokrotnie sięgał po środki wyrazu właściwe sztuce poetyckiej, by osiągnąć cele wychowawcze wysuwane przez jego dialektyczna filozofie. Tak wiec dialogi Platona są zarazem poetycki- mi monologami, a teoretyczne kontrowersje miedzy filozofia a poezja ustępują miejsca praktycznemu zadaniu polegającemu na wzajemnym współdziałaniu w jednym wielkim dziele wychowania Greków, jakim jest paideia. (shrink)