Le mouvement skinhead se compose de deux entités : les skinheads racistes-nationalistes et les skinheads antiracistes. S’inspirant des théories psychosociologiques relatives aux représentations sociales et aux minorités actives proposées par Serge Moscovici , il décrit les styles de comportement précis de chaque groupe skin, leurs divergences et leurs ressemblances, et analyse la façon dont la société, aidée par les media, ne retient qu’une seule représentation sociale, celle des skinheads nationalistes. Malgré l’univocité de la représentation, ce qui ressort (...) de 19 entretiens avec les skinheads, c’est l’idée de pluralité identitaire combinée à un ancrage urbain très important.The skinhead movement is divided into two groups : the racist-nationalist skinheads and the antiracist skinheads. Taking into account the social-psychological theories of social representations and active minorities, proposed by Serge Moscovici , it describes the styles of behavior of each skin group, their divergences and resemblances and analyses how society, with the help of the media, has built only one social representation of the nationalist skinheads. In spite of this univocal representation, what is underlined through the nineteen interviews with skinheads is a form of plural identity linked to a strong urban anchoring. (shrink)

This article focuses on the roots and ideological sources of the Czechoslovak skinheads. It describes the development of this subculture from the 1980s until the end of the joint Czechoslovak state. It looks at the history of this subculture together with its development trends in the 1990s. The relationship between the skinheads and politics clearly belongs in this account as it was the source of the distinctions between the various groups in the subculture. The themes that were typical (...) of the skinhead subculture are introduced together with an exploration of how they later transformed in line with the political requirements of this part of the youth subculture. This subsequently led to support for nationalist political parties. The article is of a descriptive and analytical nature, and is an attempt to grasp the key processes taking place among the adolescents who identified with the skinhead subculture. Contemporary magazines are the basis of an analysis of the key themes in skinhead subculture in the early 1990s. (shrink)

In this paper I examine the history and style of the real-life skinhead subculture in order to clarify its nature and to highlight its preoccupation with the ideal of "authenticity." I then use the insights thus gained in order to understand why it is that the skinhead characters in such fictional films as Romper Stomper, American History X and The Believer are, despite their neo-Nazism, granted a sympathetic depiction.

This article questions whether it is legitimate to propagate national sentiment and foster ties of nationality through school curricula. Against certain arguments for the ethical significance of nationality I question whether those who share a national identity have special moral obligations to members of their national group that they do not have to other persons. I argue that such ties of sentiment are unnecessary for achieving principled liberal goals, and that education within a liberal democracy should focus directly upon certain (...) general moral principles, such as fairness, justice, and toleration. The recent Advisory Group on Citizenship's Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (1998) similarly endorses, I argue, education focused upon general moral principles. (shrink)

This article questions whether it is legitimate to propagate national sentiment and foster ties of nationality through school curricula. Against certain arguments for the ethical significance of nationality I question whether those who share a national identity have special moral obligations to members of their national group that they do not have to other persons. I argue that such ties of sentiment are unnecessary for achieving principled liberal goals, and that education within a liberal democracy should focus directly upon certain (...) general moral principles, such as fairness, justice, and toleration. The recent Advisory Group on Citizenship's Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (1998) similarly endorses, I argue, education focused upon general moral principles. (shrink)

Contemporary egalitarian liberals—unlike their classical counterparts—have lived through many contentious events where the right to freedom of expression has been tested to its limits—the Skokie, Illinois, skinhead marches, hate speech incidents on college campuses, Internet pornography and hate speech sites, Holocaust deniers, and cross-burners, to name just a few. Despite this contemporary tumult, freedom of expression has been nearly unanimously affirmed in both the U.S. jurisprudence and philosophical discourse. In what follows, I will examine Ronald Dworkin's influential contemporary justification for (...) freedom of expression, which claims that a thoroughgoing right to freedom of expression is justified by the fact that it guarantees and preserves liberalism's commitment to equality by offering everyone an opportunity to speak, whereas any other policy, such as state regulation, would fail to offer this equal opportunity. This justification has been challenged by feminists and critical race theorists, who find the cases of pornography and hate speech to be sufficient threats to the freedom of expression and equality of their targets—women and minorities—to warrant limiting freedom of expression in these cases. I will argue that if Dworkin is to take equality as seriously as he claims to, then, by his own lights, he must back away from an unrestricted freedom of expression, in light of these distinctly contemporary challenges of the harms of systemic racism and sexism, which underlie hate speech and pornography. (shrink)

Comment et pourquoi affirmer que l'humanisme d'un penseur catholique du XVIIe siècle peut nous guider dans la compréhension de phénomènes culturels contemporains, c'est in fine la question qui commande cette étude rigoureuse et audacieuse. Faire dialoguer de façon féconde le projet de Blaise Pascal et la pop culture, appréhendée à partir des tribus musicales punk, rock, skinhead, gothique, hip-hop et électro, c'est l'objectif du travail de Jean-Louis Bischoff.