James Holden, second in command on the Canterbury, just watched it explode while on an away mission. Naomi relinquishes her implicit claim for captainship, telling a wounded Holden, “Being in charge is a shit job.” Throughout Holden's psychological disintegration following Eros, Naomi is more emotionally stable and reliable. Naomi even betrays Amos’ blind trust in her leadership. Naomi's story highlights the intersections of race, class, and gender, and it clarifies the cost of resistance. The concept of intersectionality illuminates the ways (...) Belters are subjected to different forms of oppression and discrimination not just as individuals, but as a collectivity. The Belters on Ilus are simultaneously another race and an oppressed working class. The intersection of Naomi's gender and identity as a Belter causes great suffering, leading her to attempt taking her own life. (shrink)

Pollitt and Bouckaert and their neo-Weberian state (NWS) have been chosen as the subject for this essay because the book has become a standard work in the public management movement. It is frequently cited and has been re-published in multiple editions (most recently in 2017). The authors also refer explicitly to Max Weber.This contribution seeks to draw attention to three important aspects, which inevitably overlap with one another:1. There is no Weber in the neo-Weberian State (introduction, 1; section II). Pollitt (...) and Bouckaert fail to grasp that Weber’s understanding of the state [the state as an “institution” (Anstalt); and the state as an “idea of validity” (Geltungsvorstellung)] is not identical to his ideal type of modern bureaucracy; it is the features of the latter on which they draw. The ideal type is a standard measure constructed in order to establish how close any concrete, given instance of bureaucracy comes to it (introduction, 3). Meanwhile, the “neutral official” insisted upon by Weber has “taken their leave” in Germany from important positions (section III, 3). Furthermore, Weber did not address those structures and processes internal to the administration which are precisely the object of interest for the new public management reformers. Weber’s lack of interest arises from the fact the members of anAnstalt, whether it is the state or the Church (WuG, § 15, no. 2), are subject to imposed orders (oktroyierte Ordnungen) and, as such, do not enjoy the “right to have a say”. Scharpf (1973a) was the first to pay particular attention to the problems brought about by specialisation and by the division of labour within the administration that are responsible for an incremental form of politics (section III, 3); even if he later ascribes advantages to the combination of “negative” and “positive coordination” (Scharpf 1991: 18ff.).2. The “legalistic culture” that characterises Germany will be considered in a more differentiated way, drawing on empirical studies which provide information, for example, on how laws (i.e. programmes)actuallyoriginate inside the ministerial apparatus (introduction, 2; section III, 2 and 3) or how use is made of the power of authority (Weisungsrecht) in practice (introduction, 2; section III, 2 and 3), even when, formally, it claims to have validity (section III). In this way, only empirical studies (Benz 1994; Bohne 1981; Dose 1997; Dose/Voigt 1995; Treiber 2007a) prove that the administration that implements laws has often, in practice, become a “negotiative administration” (introduction, 2). Such a phenomenon as a “co-operative administration”, which negotiates rather than rules, is a “foreign concept” in Weber’s discussion of the state and modern bureaucracy. Scharpf’s (1970) comparison between constitutional governance in Germany and legal relief in America is enlightening when it comes to the meaning of the constitutional state (Rechtsstaat) (introduction, 2; section III); the same applies to his discussion of the failed federalist reforms, which sought, among other things, to mitigate, if not entirely eliminate, the opportunities for blockades provided by political entanglement (Politikverflechtung) (section III). Neither was it possible to realise long overdue proposals to reform administrative law (Verwaltungsrecht) (section III, 1), which involved weakening or removing altogether three important assumptions in the dominant administrative doctrine (the “dogmatic normality”) and which also included the ambitious intention for the law to achieve tangible impact (Hoffmann-Riem 1994). Nonetheless, while no-one would dispute that reform of the federal government and administration remained “on the agenda” (Scharpf 1991, Mayntz/ Scharpf 1973), the priorities of such a reform were, and still are, different to those of new public management reform [the key terms here arePlanung(“planning”) and the term that replaced it,Steuerung(“management”)]1.3. Pollitt and Bouckaert ascribe to the neo-Weberian state extremely varied functions without providing any (theoretical) basis for them. In this way, the notion of public management reform that they present acquires the status of a “reformist philosophy” (introduction, 3; section IV). See Scharpf (1991) for a theoretically well-founded argumentation on the State’s ability to act in our days. Scharpf’s essay will be discussed briefly (section IV).ConclusionThere is no Weber in the neo-Weberian state. According to the discussion presented here, the neo-Weberian state can only mean: how would a modern state constituted by Weber look today? (shrink)

Bietet einen strukturierten Überblick über die Idee des Conscious Business im Sinne eines bewussten Wirtschaftens, einschließlich seiner Hauptmerkmale, Treiber und damit verbundenen Zusammenhänge Bietet Einblicke in verschiedene Branchen und Geschäftsmodelle Präsentiert vier ausführliche Fallstudien über erfolgreiche bewusste Unternehmen in Deutschland.

In sozialen Bewegungen hat Kunst immer wieder eine zentrale Rolle gespielt: als Ausdruck der in der Bewegung organisierten Erfahrung, als Repräsentation ihrer gesellschaftlichen Position oder als Identifikations- und Mobilisierungsangebot für Anhänger*innen und Sympathisant*innen. Gleichzeitig sind die Kämpfe sozialer Bewegungen ein wiederkehrendes Motiv der Kunst. Sie sind Sujet und Inspiration, Motivation und Treiber künstlerischer Auseinandersetzung mit der Welt. So einfach sich die Gegenüberstellung von Kunst und Bewegungen, Künstler*innen und Aktivist*innen zunächst liest, so unbefriedigend wird sie, sobald man sich empirisch mit (...) dem Themenfeld beschäftigt. Wo hört Politik auf, wo fängt Kunst an? Wann werden Künstler*innen zu Aktivist*innen in sozialen Bewegungen? (shrink)

Zusammenfassung In der aktuellen Nachhaltigkeitsdebatte treffen wir häufig die Forderung nach einer pflanzlich orientierten Ernährungsweise an. Pflanzlich orientierte Ernährungsstile sind laut aktuellen Studien ein Schlüssel zur Nachhaltigkeit, weil der Konsum von Produkten tierischen Ursprungs einer der „Big-Five“-Treiber des Klimawandels ist. Ist das Verhindern der globalen Klimakatastrophe tatsächlich das zentrale Motiv für die Entscheidung, sich vegan zu ernähren? Als Motivationen für eine pflanzenorientierte Ernährungsweise gelten häufig eher der Schutz des Tierwohls und die Gesundheit. Manchen geht es auch um eine ethisch (...) korrekte, nach seelischer und körperlicher Reinheit strebende Lebensweise, die weit über die Frage der korrekten Ernährung hinausgeht. Der Betrachtung verschiedener Ansätze zur Erforschung von Nachhaltigkeit, Ökospiritualität und Naturreligiosität folgen Überlegungen zur religionswissenschaftlichen Erforschbarkeit nachhaltiger Ernährungsstile. (shrink)