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  1. Mathew Abbott (2012). No Life is Bare, the Ordinary is Exceptional: Giorgio Agamben and the Question of Political Ontology. Parrhesia 14:23-36.
    In this article I develop a theory of political ontology, working to differentiate it from traditional political philosophy and Schmittian political theology. As with political theology, political ontology has its primary grounding not in disinterested contemplation from the standpoint of pure reason, but rather in a confrontation with an existential problem. Yet while for Schmitt this is the problem of how to live and think in obedience to God, the problem for political ontology is the question of being. Thus the (...)
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  2. Mathew Abbott (2011). The Animal for Which Animality is an Issue: Nietzsche, Agamben, and the Anthropological Machine. Angelaki 16 (4):87 - 99.
    Angelaki, Volume 16, Issue 4, Page 87-99, December 2011.
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  3. Corey Abel & Timothy Fuller (eds.) (2005). In The Intellectual Legacy of Michael Oakeshott. Imprint Academic.
    This volume brings together a diverse range of perspectives reflecting the international appeal and multi-disciplinary interest that Oakeshott now attracts.
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  4. Aboulafia (2002). Habermas und Mead: Über Universalität und Individualität (translation of Habermas and Mead: On Universality and Individuality). In Axel Honneth & Hans Joas (eds.), Kommunikatives Handeln.
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  5. Aboulafia (1986). Foucault, Marxism and Critique. [REVIEW] Studies in Soviet Thought 31.
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  6. Aboulafia (1984). From Domination to Recognition. In Carol Gould (ed.), Beyond Domination: New Perspectives on Women and Philosophy. 175-185.
  7. Mitchell Aboulafia (forthcoming). George Herbert Mead. In Bryan S. Turner (ed.), Encyclopedia of Social Theory. Wiley-Blackwell
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  8. Mitchell Aboulafia (2001). The Cosmopolitan Self: George Herbert Mead and Continental Philosophy. Illinois University Press.
    This important volume appreciably advances the dialogue between continental thought and classical American philosophy.
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  9. Mitchell Aboulafia (1999). Law Professors Read Habermas. Denver University Law Review 76 (4):943-953.
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  10. Mitchell Aboulafia (1999). A (Neo) American in Paris: Bourdieu, Mead, and Pragmatism. In RIchard Shusterman (ed.), Bourdieu: A Critical Reader. 153-174.
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  11. Mitchell Aboulafia (1999). Social Experience and the World. In Lenore Langsdorf Andrew R. Smith (ed.), Classical American Pragmatism: Its Contemporary Vitality. 179-194.
  12. Mitchell Aboulafia (1992). Mead and the Social Self. In R. Burch H. Saatkamp (ed.), Frontiers in American Philosophy. 102-111.
  13. Mitchell Aboulafia (1986). The Mediating Self: Mead, Sartre, and Self-Determination. Yale University Press.
  14. Mitchell Aboulafia (1983). Lukacs, Marx and the Sources of Critical Theory. [REVIEW] Studies in Soviet Thought 25 (2).
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  15. David M. Adams (1998). Michael Freeden, Ideologies and Political Theory:Ideologies and Political Theory. Ethics 108 (4):814-817.
  16. N. Adams (2003). Review Articles : Recent Books in English by Jurgen Habermas: On the Pragmatics of Communication, Edited by Maeve Cooke. Cambridge: Polity, 1998. 454 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-74563-047-2. The Inclusion of the Other: Studies in Political Theory, Edited by C. Cronin and P. De Grieff. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1998. 300 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-26258-186-8. The Postnational Constellation: Political Essays, Trans. And Edited by M. Pensky. Cambridge: Polity, 2001. 190 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-74562- 352-2. The Liberating Power of Symbols: Philosophical Essays, Trans. P. Dews. Cambridge: Polity, 2001. 130 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-74562-552-5. Religion and Rationality: Essays on Reason, God, and Modernity, Edited by E. Mendieta. Cambridge: Polity, 2002.176 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-74562- 487-. [REVIEW] Studies in Christian Ethics 16 (1):72-79.
  17. João Maurício Adeodato (2004). Semiotics in the Philosophy of Law. American Journal of Semiotics 20 (1/4):67-91.
    This text aims at pointing out some of the philosophy of law present in the works of the Hellenist philosopher and physician Sextus Empiricus , and supports two main theses: the first, based on an epistemological point of view, presupposes that exact knowledge of the world — that is, an entirely adequate relationship between the mind of each human being and the events around — is not possible, which insurmountably renders all perception relative. The second thesis, from an axiological point (...)
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  18. Alia Al-Saji (2012). Creating Possibility: The Time of the Quebec Student Movement. Theory and Event 15 (3).
    Introduction: -/- Walking, illegally, down main Montreal thoroughfares with students in nightly demonstrations, with neighbors whom I barely knew before, banging pots and pans, and with tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of people on every 22nd of the month since March—this was unimaginable a year ago.1 Unimaginable that the collective and heterogeneous body, which is the “manif [demonstration]”, could feel so much like home, despite its internal differences. Unimaginable that this mutual dependence on one another could enable not only (...)
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  19. Peter Amato (2011). Decentering and Refocusing Marx. Radical Philosophy Review 14 (2):217-221.
  20. Joshua Anderson (2012). A Tension in the Political Thought of Huey P. Newton. Journal of African American Studies 16 (2):249-267.
    This article is a discussion of the political thought of Huey P. Newton, and by extension, the theory and practice of the Black Panther Party. More specifically, this article will explore a tension that exists between Newton's theory of Intercommunalism and the Black Panther Party Platform. To that end, there is, first, a discussion of the ideological development of the Black Panther Party, which culminated in Newton's theory of Intercommunalism. Second, there is a presentation of what will be broadly construed (...)
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  21. Stephen C. Angle (2012). Contemporary Confucian Political Philosophy: Toward Progressive Confucianism. Polity.
    This book provides an accessible introduction to the main perspectives and topics being debated today, and shows why Progressive Confucianism is a particularly promising approach.
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  22. Jonny Anomaly (2016). Review of Brennan and Jaworski, Markets Without Limits. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews:00.
  23. Roberto Aras (2009). La tracciabilità dell’informazione nel nuovo spazio tecno-sociale. Teoria 29 (1):107-118.
    The text applies to the field of communications, and in particular to the field of Internet communications, the notion of «traceability». In relation to this it discusses a series of ethical questions, in order to establish information traceability as a guarantee for the reader, but without compromising the confidentiality of the news.
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  24. Caroline T. Arruda (2016). What We Can Intend: Recognition and Collective Intentionality. Southern Journal of Philosophy 54 (1):5-26.
    The concept of recognition has played a role in two debates. In political philosophy, it is part of a communitarian response to liberal theories of distributive justice. It describes what it means to respect others’ right to self-determination. In ethics, Stephen Darwall argues that it comprises our judgment that we owe others moral consideration. I present a competing account of recognition on the grounds that most accounts answer the question of why others deserve recognition without answering the question of what (...)
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  25. Marcus Arvan (2014). A Better, Dual Theory of Human Rights. Philosophical Forum 45 (1):17-47.
    Human rights theory and practice have long been stuck in a rut. Although disagreement is the norm in philosophy and social-political practice, the sheer depth and breadth of disagreement about human rights is truly unusual. Human rights theorists and practitioners disagree – wildly in many cases – over just about every issue: what human rights are, what they are for, how many of them there are, how they are justified, what human interests or capacities they are supposed to protect, what (...)
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  26. Marcus Arvan (2011). People Do Not Have a Duty to Avoid Voting Badly: Reply to Brennan. Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Jason Brennan argues that people are morally obligated not to vote badly, where voting badly is voting “without sufficient reason” for harmful or unjust policies or candidates. His argument is: (1) One has an obligation not to engage in collectively harmful activities when refraining from such activities does not impose significant personal costs. (2) Voting badly is to engage in a collectively harmful activity, while abstaining imposes low personal costs. (3) Therefore, one should not vote badly. This paper shows that (...)
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  27. Marcus Arvan (2009). In Defense of Discretionary Association Theories of Political Legitimacy: Reply to Buchanan. Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Allen Buchanan has argued that a widely defended view of the nature of the state – the view that the state is a discretionary association for the mutual advantage of its members – must be rejected because it cannot adequately account for moral requirements of humanitarian intervention. This paper argues that Buchanan’s objection is unsuccessful,and moreover, that discretionary association theories can preserve an important distinction that Buchanan’s alternative approach to political legitimacy cannot: the distinction between “internal” legitimacy (a state’s ability (...)
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  28. Jovan Babić (2012). On State, Identity and Rights: Putting Identity First. International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue Internationale de Sémiotique Juridique 25 (2):197-209.
    The paper considers the nature of the state understood as the political unity articulated on the basis of a collective identity which provides the state with its capacity to make decisions. The foremost decision of the state to protect and defend this identity is the source of its authority to enforce laws. Collective identity thus represents an object of special interest, unlike both “political” interests (Millian other-regarding acts) and private interests (Millian self-regarding acts). The validation of laws through this special (...)
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  29. Gabriele Badano (2016). Still Special, Despite Everything: A Liberal Defence of the Value of Healthcare in the Face of the Social Determinants of Health. Social Theory and Practice 42 (1):183-204.
    Recent epidemiological research on the social determinants of health has been used to attack an important framework, associated with Norman Daniels, that depicts healthcare as special. My aim is to rescue the idea that healthcare has special importance in society, although specialness will turn out to be mainly limited to clinical care. I build upon the link between Daniels's theory and the work of John Rawls to develop a conception of public justification liberalism that is suitable to the field of (...)
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  30. Gabriele Badano (2014). Political Liberalism and the Justice Claims of the Disabled: A Reconciliation. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (4):1-22.
    Unlike his theory of justice as fairness, John Rawls’s political liberalism has generally been spared from critiques regarding what is due to the disabled. This paper demonstrates that, due to the account of the basic ideas of society and persons provided by Rawls, political liberalism requires that the interests of numerous individuals with disabilities should be put aside when the most fundamental issues of justice are settled. The aim is to accommodate within public reason the due concern for the disabled (...)
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  31. Ronald Olufemi Badru (2011). The Ontology of Political Decisionism, Negative Statecraft, and the Nigerian State: Exploring Moral Altruism in Politics. Telos: Critical Theory of the Contemporary 2011 (156):47-60.
    ExcerptI. Introduction The German political philosopher Carl Schmitt belongs to the class of political theorists, who maintain a tradition of separating the political from the moral.1 Drawing on the standard interpretation of Machiavelli2 and following the thinking of Hobbes,3 Schmitt makes two central claims that define his political theorization. The first claim is that the sovereign should possess “the monopoly to decide” what constitutes public order and security; the second claim is the use of the “friend-enemy” metaphor to characterize the (...)
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  32. Adam D. Bailey (2011). The Nonworseness Claim and the Moral Permissibility of Better-Than-Permissible Acts. Philosophia 39 (2):237-250.
    Grounded in what Alan Wertheimer terms the nonworseness claim, it is thought by some philosophers that what will be referred to herein as better-than-permissible acts —acts that, if undertaken, would make another or others better off than they would be were an alternative but morally permissible act to be undertaken—are necessarily morally permissible. What, other than a bout of irrationality, it may be thought, would lead one to hold that an act (such as outsourcing production to a sweatshop in a (...)
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  33. Andrew R. Bailey, Samantha Brennan, Will Kymlicka, Jacob Levy, Alex Sager & Clark Wolf (eds.) (2012). The Broadview Anthology of Social and Political Thought: Essential Readings: Ancient, Modern, and Contemporary Texts. Broadview Press.
    This volume features a careful selection of major works in political and social philosophy from ancient times through to the present. Every reading has been painstakingly annotated, and each figure is given a substantial introduction highlighting his or her major contribution to the tradition. The anthology offers both depth and breadth in its selection of material by central figures, while also representing other currents of political thought. Thirty-two authors are represented, including fourteen from the 20th century. The editors have made (...)
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  34. Jorge Balladares (2014). Hacia una nueva conceptualización de lo Político. Nuevo Pensamiento. Revista de Filosofía 4 (4):61-87.
    This article has as aim to recover the sense of Politics in order to find new ways for the political action. From different stages this research redefines the concept of Politics through Latin American Philosophy, and this new political definition will lead to social consciousness and citizen willingness, and to propose a new political culture through education.
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  35. Rosangela Barcaro (2014). Vous avez dit "dignité"? Arc En Ciel. La Revue de Nouveaux Droits de L’Homme (71):26.
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  36. Christian Barry (2011). Immigration and Global Justice. Global Justice Theory Practice Rhetoric 4 (1):30-38.
  37. Christian Barry & Laura Valentini (2009). Egalitarian Challenges to Global Egalitarianism: A Critique. Review of International Studies 35:485-512.
    Many political theorists defend the view that egalitarian justice should extend from the domestic to the global arena. Despite its intuitive appeal, this ‘global egalitarianism’ has come under attack from different quarters. In this article, we focus on one particular set of challenges to this view: those advanced by domestic egalitarians. We consider seven types of challenges, each pointing to a specific disanalogy between domestic and global arenas which is said to justify the restriction of egalitarian justice to the former, (...)
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  38. Robert Bass (2000). Pure Contractarianism: Promise, Problems, Prospects. Journal of Value Inquiry 34 (2-3):319-332.
    Several different positions are classified as contractarian. Though there are variations among them, they all include the assumption that practical or action-guiding principles, among which are principles of moral justification and of political legitimacy, somehow have their basis in consent. A contractarian may or may not believe that there are other practical principles that are based on or justified by something besides consent. If he believes there are any others, there will be delicate issues to address as to whether they (...)
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  39. Peter Baumann (1996). Influencing the Will of Another Person. Social Philosophy Today 12:25-40.
    Social power does not just consist in an actor's ability to use sticks or carrots (negative or positive sanctions) in order to influence other persons. There is also a much more subtle and less "visible" form of power which consists in the ability to influence the underlying preferences and goals of a person. The main task of this paper is to analyze this important and hidden form of social power.
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  40. R. Beiner (1990). Arendt, Hannah and Strauss, Leo the Uncommenced Dialog. Political Theory 18 (2):238-254.
  41. Héctor Arévalo Benito (2015). "Estudio sobre el pensamiento hispanoamericano en José Gaos". UT.
    Estudio sobre el alcance de la concepción del pensamiento hispanoamericano en José Gaos, en su obra de los años 40.
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  42. Erica Benner (2009). Machiavelli's Ethics. Princeton University Press.
    Benner, Erica. Machiavelli’s Ethics. Princeton, 2009. 527p bibl index afp; ISBN 9780691141763, $75.00; ISBN 9780691141770 pbk, $35.00.

    Reviewed in CHOICE, April 2010

    This major new study of Machiavelli’s moral and political philosophy by Benner (Yale) argues that most readings of Machiavelli suffer from a failure to appreciate his debt to Greek sources, particularly the Socratic tradition of moral and political philosophy. Benner argues that when read in the light of his Greek sources, Machiavelli appears as much less the immoralist or sophist (...)
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  43. Donato Bergandi (2013). L’Impartialité Engagée : Objectivité Scientifique Et Engagement Moral. In Byk (ed.), Les scientifiques doivent-ils être responsables ? Fondements, enjeux et évolution normative. Les Études Hospitalières 137-154.
    L’humanité est devenue facteur d’évolution au niveau planétaire. En complexifiant toujours plus les modalités de ses relations avec l’environnement, elle pense trouver dans la science l’outil principal de son développement et en définitive de sa survie. La science, en effet, est un système d’acquisition de connaissances qui génère une interprétation systématique et rationnelle du monde naturel ethumain, jamais définitive et en renouvellement continu. En tant qu’explication rationnelle des phénomènes naturels et sociaux, elle nous permet de raffiner sans cesse la compréhension (...)
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  44. Thomas M. Besch, Public Justification, Inclusion, and Discursive Equality.
    The paper engages the view that robust public justification sits well with emancipatory and egalitarian intuitions. I distinguish between the depth, scope and the purchase of the kind of discursive respect that such justification allocates to people, and situate within this matrix Rawls’s paradigmatic conception of public justification. On the deep view of its role, Rawls-type public justification allocates a form of discursive respect that is deep in political liberalism’s order of justification, rich in purchase, but notoriously limited in scope. (...)
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  45. Thomas M. Besch, Political Liberalism and Public Justification: The Deep View.
    The paper advances the deep view of public justification in political liberalism. It contrasts with ideal theory views, including Quong’s variant of an internal conception. I show how the deep view integrates key components of political liberalism’s justification structure, including pro tanto and full justification, political values, reasonableness, neutrality, reasonable comprehensive views, public reasons, the wide view of public political culture, overlapping consensus, political legitimacy, reflective equilibrium and the Original Position. I then contrast the deep view with Quong’s internal conception (...)
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  46. Thomas M. Besch (2015). On the Right to Justification and Discursive Respect. Dialogue 54 (4):703-726.
    Rainer Forst’s constructivism argues that a right to justification provides a reasonably non-rejectable foundation of justice. With an exemplary focus on his attempt to ground human rights, I argue that this right cannot provide such a foundation. To accord to others such a right is to include them in the scope of discursive respect. But it is reasonably contested whether we should accord to others equal discursive respect. It follows that Forst’s constructivism cannot ground human rights, or justice, categorically. At (...)
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  47. Thomas M. Besch (2014). On Discursive Respect. Social Theory and Practice 40 (2):207-231.
    Moral and political forms of constructivism accord to people strong, “constitutive” forms of discursive standing and so build on, or express, a commitment to discursive respect. The paper explores dimensions of discursive respect, i.e., depth, scope, and purchase; it addresses tenuous interdependencies between them; on this basis, it identifies limitations of the idea of discursive respect and of constructivism. The task of locating discursive respect in the normative space defined by its three dimensions is partly, and importantly, an ethical task (...)
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  48. Thomas M. Besch (2013). On a Reflexive Case for Human Rights. Journal of East-West Thought 3 (4):51-64.
    Can there be a "reflexive" or presuppositional, reasonably non-rejectable grounding of a Forst-type right to justification, or of a meaningful form of constitutive discursive standing? The paper argues that this is not so, and this for reasons that reflect more general limitations of presuppositional arguments for relevantly contested conclusions. To this end, the paper critically engages Forst's "reflexive" argument for human rights. It also considers O'Neill's presuppositional attempt to defend a form of cosmopolitanism, as well as the attempt to anchor (...)
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  49. Thomas M. Besch (2010). Diversity and the Limits of Liberal Toleration. In Duncan Ivison (ed.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Multiculturalism. Ashgate
    To fully respond to the demands of multiculturalism, a view of toleration would need to duly respect diversity both at the level of the application of principles of toleration and at the level of the justificatory foundations that a view of toleration may appeal to. The paper examines Rainer Forst’s post-Rawlsian, ‘reason-based’ attempt to provide a view of toleration that succeeds at these two levels and so allows us to tolerate tolerantly. His account turns on the view that a constructivist (...)
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  50. James Boettcher (2009). Habermas, Religion and the Ethics of Citizenship. Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):215-238.
    A recent essay by Jürgen Habermas revisits political liberalism and takes up the question of the extent to which democratic citizens and officials should rely on their religious convictions in publicly deliberating about and deciding political issues. With his institutional translation proviso, a proposed alternative to Rawls' idea of public reason, Habermas hopes to dodge familiar (and often overstated) criticisms that liberal requirements of citizenship are unfair or disproportionately burdensome to religious believers. I argue that, due in part to its (...)
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