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  1. Mathew Abbott (2012). No Life is Bare, the Ordinary is Exceptional: Giorgio Agamben and the Question of Political Ontology. Parrhesia 14:23-36.
    In this article I develop a theory of political ontology, working to differentiate it from traditional political philosophy and Schmittian political theology. As with political theology, political ontology has its primary grounding not in disinterested contemplation from the standpoint of pure reason, but rather in a confrontation with an existential problem. Yet while for Schmitt this is the problem of how to live and think in obedience to God, the problem for political ontology is the question of being. Thus the (...)
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  2. Mathew Abbott (2011). The Animal for Which Animality is an Issue: Nietzsche, Agamben, and the Anthropological Machine. Angelaki 16 (4):87 - 99.
    Angelaki, Volume 16, Issue 4, Page 87-99, December 2011.
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  3. Corey Abel & Timothy Fuller (eds.) (2005). In The Intellectual Legacy of Michael Oakeshott. Imprint Academic.
    This volume brings together a diverse range of perspectives reflecting the international appeal and multi-disciplinary interest that Oakeshott now attracts.
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  4. Aboulafia (2002). Habermas und Mead: Über Universalität und Individualität (translation of Habermas and Mead: On Universality and Individuality). In Axel Honneth & Hans Joas (eds.), Kommunikatives Handeln.
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  5. Aboulafia (1986). Foucault, Marxism and Critique. [REVIEW] Studies in Soviet Thought 31.
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  6. Aboulafia (1984). From Domination to Recognition. In Carol Gould (ed.), Beyond Domination: New Perspectives on Women and Philosophy. 175-185.
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  7. Mitchell Aboulafia (forthcoming). George Herbert Mead. In Bryan S. Turner (ed.), Encyclopedia of Social Theory. Wiley-Blackwell
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  8. Mitchell Aboulafia (2001). The Cosmopolitan Self: George Herbert Mead and Continental Philosophy. Illinois University Press.
    This important volume appreciably advances the dialogue between continental thought and classical American philosophy.
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  9. Mitchell Aboulafia (1999). Law Professors Read Habermas. Denver University Law Review 76 (4):943-953.
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  10. Mitchell Aboulafia (1999). A (Neo) American in Paris: Bourdieu, Mead, and Pragmatism. In RIchard Shusterman (ed.), Bourdieu: A Critical Reader. 153-174.
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  11. Mitchell Aboulafia (1999). Social Experience and the World. In Lenore Langsdorf Andrew R. Smith (ed.), Classical American Pragmatism: Its Contemporary Vitality. 179-194.
  12. Mitchell Aboulafia (1992). Mead and the Social Self. In R. Burch H. Saatkamp (ed.), Frontiers in American Philosophy. 102-111.
  13. Mitchell Aboulafia (1986). The Mediating Self: Mead, Sartre, and Self-Determination. Yale University Press.
  14. Mitchell Aboulafia (1983). Lukacs, Marx and the Sources of Critical Theory. [REVIEW] Studies in Soviet Thought 25 (2).
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  15. David M. Adams (1998). Michael Freeden, Ideologies and Political Theory:Ideologies and Political Theory. Ethics 108 (4):814-817.
  16. N. Adams (2003). Review Articles : Recent Books in English by Jurgen Habermas: On the Pragmatics of Communication, Edited by Maeve Cooke. Cambridge: Polity, 1998. 454 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-74563-047-2. The Inclusion of the Other: Studies in Political Theory, Edited by C. Cronin and P. De Grieff. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1998. 300 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-26258-186-8. The Postnational Constellation: Political Essays, Trans. And Edited by M. Pensky. Cambridge: Polity, 2001. 190 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-74562- 352-2. The Liberating Power of Symbols: Philosophical Essays, Trans. P. Dews. Cambridge: Polity, 2001. 130 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-74562-552-5. Religion and Rationality: Essays on Reason, God, and Modernity, Edited by E. Mendieta. Cambridge: Polity, 2002.176 Pp. Pb. ISBN 0-74562- 487-. [REVIEW] Studies in Christian Ethics 16 (1):72-79.
  17. Alia Al-Saji (2012). Creating Possibility: The Time of the Quebec Student Movement. Theory and Event 15 (3).
    Introduction: -/- Walking, illegally, down main Montreal thoroughfares with students in nightly demonstrations, with neighbors whom I barely knew before, banging pots and pans, and with tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of people on every 22nd of the month since March—this was unimaginable a year ago.1 Unimaginable that the collective and heterogeneous body, which is the “manif [demonstration]”, could feel so much like home, despite its internal differences. Unimaginable that this mutual dependence on one another could enable not only (...)
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  18. Peter Amato (2011). Decentering and Refocusing Marx. Radical Philosophy Review 14 (2):217-221.
  19. Joshua Anderson (2012). A Tension in the Political Thought of Huey P. Newton. Journal of African American Studies 16 (2):249-267.
    This article is a discussion of the political thought of Huey P. Newton, and by extension, the theory and practice of the Black Panther Party. More specifically, this article will explore a tension that exists between Newton's theory of Intercommunalism and the Black Panther Party Platform. To that end, there is, first, a discussion of the ideological development of the Black Panther Party, which culminated in Newton's theory of Intercommunalism. Second, there is a presentation of what will be broadly construed (...)
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  20. Stephen C. Angle (2012). Contemporary Confucian Political Philosophy: Toward Progressive Confucianism. Polity.
    This book provides an accessible introduction to the main perspectives and topics being debated today, and shows why Progressive Confucianism is a particularly promising approach.
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  21. Caroline T. Arruda (forthcoming). What We Can Intend: Recognition and Collective Intentionality. Southern Journal of Philosophy.
    The concept of recognition has played a role in two debates. In political philosophy, it is part of a communitarian response to liberal theories of distributive justice. It describes what it means to respect others’ right to self-determination. In ethics, Stephen Darwall argues that it comprises our judgment that we owe others moral consideration. I present a competing account on the grounds that most accounts answer the question of why others deserve recognition without answering the question of what is involved (...)
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  22. Marcus Arvan (2014). A Better, Dual Theory of Human Rights. Philosophical Forum 45 (1):17-47.
    Human rights theory and practice have long been stuck in a rut. Although disagreement is the norm in philosophy and social-political practice, the sheer depth and breadth of disagreement about human rights is truly unusual. Human rights theorists and practitioners disagree – wildly in many cases – over just about every issue: what human rights are, what they are for, how many of them there are, how they are justified, what human interests or capacities they are supposed to protect, what (...)
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  23. Marcus Arvan (2011). People Do Not Have a Duty to Avoid Voting Badly: Reply to Brennan. Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Jason Brennan argues that people are morally obligated not to vote badly, where voting badly is voting “without sufficient reason” for harmful or unjust policies or candidates. His argument is: (1) One has an obligation not to engage in collectively harmful activities when refraining from such activities does not impose significant personal costs. (2) Voting badly is to engage in a collectively harmful activity, while abstaining imposes low personal costs. (3) Therefore, one should not vote badly. This paper shows that (...)
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  24. Marcus Arvan (2009). In Defense of Discretionary Association Theories of Political Legitimacy: Reply to Buchanan. Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Allen Buchanan has argued that a widely defended view of the nature of the state – the view that the state is a discretionary association for the mutual advantage of its members – must be rejected because it cannot adequately account for moral requirements of humanitarian intervention. This paper argues that Buchanan’s objection is unsuccessful,and moreover, that discretionary association theories can preserve an important distinction that Buchanan’s alternative approach to political legitimacy cannot: the distinction between “internal” legitimacy (a state’s ability (...)
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  25. Adam D. Bailey (2011). The Nonworseness Claim and the Moral Permissibility of Better-Than-Permissible Acts. Philosophia 39 (2):237-250.
    Grounded in what Alan Wertheimer terms the nonworseness claim, it is thought by some philosophers that what will be referred to herein as better-than-permissible acts —acts that, if undertaken, would make another or others better off than they would be were an alternative but morally permissible act to be undertaken—are necessarily morally permissible. What, other than a bout of irrationality, it may be thought, would lead one to hold that an act (such as outsourcing production to a sweatshop in a (...)
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  26. Rosangela Barcaro (2014). Vous avez dit "dignité"? Arc En Ciel. La Revue de Nouveaux Droits de L’Homme (71):26.
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  27. Christian Barry (2011). Immigration and Global Justice. Global Justice Theory Practice Rhetoric 4 (1):30-38.
  28. Christian Barry & Laura Valentini (2009). Egalitarian Challenges to Global Egalitarianism: A Critique. Review of International Studies 35:485-512.
  29. Robert Bass (2000). Pure Contractarianism: Promise, Problems, Prospects. Journal of Value Inquiry 34 (2-3):319-332.
    Several different positions are classified as contractarian. Though there are variations among them, they all include the assumption that practical or action-guiding principles, among which are principles of moral justification and of political legitimacy, somehow have their basis in consent. A contractarian may or may not believe that there are other practical principles that are based on or justified by something besides consent. If he believes there are any others, there will be delicate issues to address as to whether they (...)
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  30. R. Beiner (1990). Arendt, Hannah and Strauss, Leo the Uncommenced Dialog. Political Theory 18 (2):238-254.
  31. Erica Benner (2009). Machiavelli's Ethics. Princeton University Press.
    Benner, Erica. Machiavelli’s Ethics. Princeton, 2009. 527p bibl index afp; ISBN 9780691141763, $75.00; ISBN 9780691141770 pbk, $35.00.

    Reviewed in CHOICE, April 2010

    This major new study of Machiavelli’s moral and political philosophy by Benner (Yale) argues that most readings of Machiavelli suffer from a failure to appreciate his debt to Greek sources, particularly the Socratic tradition of moral and political philosophy. Benner argues that when read in the light of his Greek sources, Machiavelli appears as much less the immoralist or sophist (...)
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  32. Donato Bergandi (2013). L’Impartialité Engagée : Objectivité Scientifique Et Engagement Moral. In Byk (ed.), Les scientifiques doivent-ils être responsables ? Fondements, enjeux et évolution normative. Les Études Hospitalières 137-154.
    L’humanité est devenue facteur d’évolution au niveau planétaire. En complexifiant toujours plus les modalités de ses relations avec l’environnement, elle pense trouver dans la science l’outil principal de son développement et en définitive de sa survie. La science, en effet, est un système d’acquisition de connaissances qui génère une interprétation systématique et rationnelle du monde naturel ethumain, jamais définitive et en renouvellement continu. En tant qu’explication rationnelle des phénomènes naturels et sociaux, elle nous permet de raffiner sans cesse la compréhension (...)
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  33. Thomas M. Besch (forthcoming). On the Right to Justification and Discursive Respect. Dialogue:1-24.
    Rainer Forst’s constructivism argues that a right to justification provides a reasonably non-rejectable foundation of justice. With an exemplary focus on his attempt to ground human rights, I argue that this right cannot provide such a foundation. To accord to others such a right is to include them in the scope of discursive respect. But it is reasonably contested whether we should accord to others equal discursive respect. It follows that Forst’s constructivism cannot ground human rights, or justice, categorically. At (...)
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  34. Thomas M. Besch (2014). On Discursive Respect. Social Theory and Practice 40 (2):207-231.
    Moral and political forms of constructivism accord to people strong, “constitutive” forms of discursive standing and so build on, or express, a commitment to discursive respect. The paper explores dimensions of discursive respect, i.e., depth, scope, and purchase; it addresses tenuous interdependencies between them; on this basis, it identifies limitations of the idea of discursive respect and of constructivism. The task of locating discursive respect in the normative space defined by its three dimensions is partly, and importantly, an ethical task (...)
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  35. Thomas M. Besch (2013). On a Reflexive Case for Human Rights. Journal of East-West Thought 3 (4):51-64.
    Can there be a "reflexive" or presuppositional, reasonably non-rejectable grounding of a Forst-type right to justification, or of a meaningful form of constitutive discursive standing? The paper argues that this is not so, and this for reasons that reflect more general limitations of presuppositional arguments for relevantly contested conclusions. To this end, the paper critically engages Forst's "reflexive" argument for human rights. It also considers O'Neill's presuppositional attempt to defend a form of cosmopolitanism, as well as the attempt to anchor (...)
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  36. Thomas M. Besch (2010). Diversity and the Limits of Liberal Toleration. In Duncan Ivison (ed.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Multiculturalism. Ashgate
    To fully respond to the demands of multiculturalism, a view of toleration would need to duly respect diversity both at the level of the application of principles of toleration and at the level of the justificatory foundations that a view of toleration may appeal to. The paper examines Rainer Forst’s post-Rawlsian, ‘reason-based’ attempt to provide a view of toleration that succeeds at these two levels and so allows us to tolerate tolerantly. His account turns on the view that a constructivist (...)
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  37. James Boettcher (2009). Habermas, Religion and the Ethics of Citizenship. Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):215-238.
    A recent essay by Jürgen Habermas revisits political liberalism and takes up the question of the extent to which democratic citizens and officials should rely on their religious convictions in publicly deliberating about and deciding political issues. With his institutional translation proviso, a proposed alternative to Rawls' idea of public reason, Habermas hopes to dodge familiar (and often overstated) criticisms that liberal requirements of citizenship are unfair or disproportionately burdensome to religious believers. I argue that, due in part to its (...)
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  38. Tina F. Botts, Liam K. Bright, Myisha Cherry, Guntur Mallarangeng & Quayshawn Spencer (2014). What is the State of Blacks in Philosophy? Critical Philosophy of Race 2 (2):224-242.
    This research note is meant to introduce into philosophical discussion the preliminary results of an empirical study on the state of blacks in philosophy, which is a joint effort of the American Philosophical Association’s Committee on the Status of Black Philosophers (APA CSBP) and the Society of Young Black Philosophers (SYBP). The study is intended to settle factual issues in furtherance of contributing to dialogues surrounding at least two philosophical questions: What, if anything, is the philosophical value of demographic diversity (...)
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  39. Elizabeth Brake (2014). Recognizing Care: The Case for Friendship and Polyamory. Syracuse Law and Civic Engagement Forum 1 (1).
    This paper responds to arguments that polyamorous groups or care networks do not qualify for equal treatment with marriages. It refutes the points that polyamory is inherently hierarchical or unstable, that there are too few people in such arrangements to mount an argument for recognition, that polyamory harms children, and that there are insurmountable legal and practical hurdles to network marriage. Finally, it respond to the charge that extending recognition to polyamorists will devalue the recognition of same-sex marriage.
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  40. Ayşe Buğra & Gürol Irzik (1999). Human Needs, Consumption, and Social Policy. Economics and Philosophy 15 (02):187-.
    From its early origins to the present, the development of mainstream economic theory has taken a direction which has excluded the analysis of human needs as a basis for social policy. The problems associated with this orientation are increasingly recognized both by economists and non-economists. As Sen points out, it is indeed strange for a discipline concerned with the well-being of people to neglect the question of needs. Currently, some writers such as Doyal and Gough , post-Keynesian economists such as (...)
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  41. Brian E. Butler (2010). Democracy and Law: Situating Law Within John Dewey's Democratic Vision. Etica & Politica 12 (1):256-280.
    In this paper I argue that John Dewey developed a philosophy of law that follows directly from his conception of democracy. Indeed, under Dewey’s theory an understanding of law can only follow from an accurate understanding of the social and political context within which it functions. This has important implications for the form law takes within democ- ratic society. The paper will explore these implications through a comparison of Dewey’s claims with those of Richard Posner and Ronald Dworkin; two other (...)
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  42. Joseph H. Carens (2009). The Case for Amnesty. Boston Review 34 (3):7-10.
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  43. Joseph H. Carens (2009). Fear Vs. Fairness: Migration, Citizenship and the Transformation of Political Community. In Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen, Nils Holtug & Sune Laegaard (eds.), Nationalism and Multiculturalism in a World of Immigration. Palgrave Macmillan 151-173.
  44. Joseph H. Carens (2005). On Belonging: What We Owe People Who Stay. Boston Review 30 (3-4):16-19.
  45. Joseph H. Carens (1995). Is Quebec Nationalism Just? Perspectives From Anglophone Canada. Mc-Gill Queen's University Press.
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  46. Mark Cauchi (2009). The Secular to Come: Interrogating the Derridean "Secular". Journal for Cultural and Religious Theory 10 (1):25.
  47. Emanuela Ceva (2012). Beyond Legitimacy. Can Proceduralism Say Anything Relevant About Justice? Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):183-200.
    Whilst legitimacy is often thought to concern the processes through which coercive decisions are made in society, justice has been standardly viewed as a ‘substantial’ matter concerning the moral justification of the terms of social cooperation. Accordingly, theorization about procedures may seem appropriate for the former but not for the latter. To defend proceduralism as a relevant approach to justice, I distinguish three questions: (1) Who is entitled to exercise coercive power? (2) On what terms should the participants to a (...)
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  48. Mihnea Chiujdea (2013). Maurice Merleau-Ponty on Violence and Marxism. Opticon1826 15 (7):01-15.
    This article aims to examine the main tenets of Merleau-Ponty’s political thought. To this end, his early Marxism and his later support for Liberalism are contextualised within Merleau-Ponty’s philosophical work, put into relation and both criticised. The focus of the discussion is shifted onto the role and locus of the political thinker in order to evaluate the scope of a political project such as Marxism might have. It is divided into three sections. The first explores the themes of the philosophy (...)
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  49. L. Code (1993). Book Reviews : Joan Cocks, The Oppositional Imagination: Feminism, Critique and Political Theory. Routledge, London and New York, 1989. Pp. X, 244, US$45.00, Can. $58.50 (Cloth) US$13.95, Can.$19.50 (Paper. [REVIEW] Philosophy of the Social Sciences 23 (1):113-117.
  50. Alan M. S. J. Coffee (2012). Mary Wollstonecraft, Freedom and the Enduring Power of Social Domination. European Journal of Political Theory 12 (2):116-135.
    Even long after their formal exclusion has come to an end, members of previously oppressed social groups often continue to face disproportionate restrictions on their freedom, as the experience of many women over the last century has shown. Working within in a framework in which freedom is understood as independence from arbitrary power, Mary Wollstonecraft provides an explanation of why such domination may persist and offers a model through which it can be addressed. Republicans rely on processes of rational public (...)
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