Background and objective: Assuming the hypothesis that the general practitioner can and should be a key player in making end-of-life decisions for hospitalised patients, perceptions of GPs’ role assigned to them by hospital doctors in making withdrawal decisions for such patients were surveyed.Design: Questionnaire survey.Setting: Urban and rural areas.Participants: GPs.Results: The response rate was 32.2% , and it was observed that 70.8% of respondents believed that their participation in withdrawal decisions for their hospitalised patients was essential, whereas 42.1% believed that (...) the hospital doctors were sufficiently skilled to make withdrawal decisions without input from the GPs. Most respondents were found to believe that they had the necessary skills and enough time to participate in withdrawal decisions. The last case of treatment withdrawal in hospital for one of their patients was described by 40% of respondents, of whom only 40.0% believed that they had participated actively in the decision process. The major factors in the multivariate analysis were the GP’s strong belief that his or her participation was essential , information on admission of the patient given to the GP by the hospital department , rural practice , visit to the patient dying in hospital and a request by the family to be kept informed about the patient .Conclusion: Strong interest was evinced among GPs regarding end-of-life issues, as well as considerable experience of patients dying at home. As GPs are more closely corrected to patients’ families, they may be a good choice for third-party intervention in making end-of-life decisions for hospitalised patients. (shrink)

Dans cet article, le « nécrocapitalisme » est considéré comme une catégorie analytique et un système social qui régit le Liban d’« après-guerre ». En tant que système, il organise psychiquement et socialement une économie politique fondée sur le sectarisme, la kleptocratie et la capture de l’État. Le nécrocapitalisme structure également une série d’attachements idéologico-affectifs qui lient les élites aux subordonnés, et l’État aux uns et aux autres. Ce terme de « nécrocapitalisme » permet également à l’auteur de qualifier comment (...) les souffrances psychiques des populations qui vivent (mal) et qui meurent sont devenues, soit des actifs politiques et économiques à cultiver et à reproduire (par le biais d’un sectarisme clientéliste), soit, au pire, des coûts collatéraux où la vie, le bien-être physique sont dévalués dans une totale désinvolture. (shrink)

Farid Jabre est spécialiste de la pensée de Ghazali et du legs arabo-musulman. L'approfondissement progressif de cette pensée philosophique a permis la rédaction de ces "Essais et articles". Ses écrits et ses travaux intéressent tout aussi bien les penseurs que les anthropologues désireux de découvrir les caractéristiques socio-religieuses, psychologiques et culturelle de la "raison" arabe dans son exercice. Les interactions de ce legs avec d'autres cultures, les influences subies et exercées ont favorisé des rapprochements avec la pensée occidentale et donné (...) lieu à un ensemble de considérations anthropologiques. (shrink)

Dans cet article, l’auteur s’engage dans une courte autobiographie sur un pays qu’il porte en lui, le Liban. Il la conçoit comme une expérience collective du morcellement qui traverse singulièrement tous ceux qui se rattachent au nom de Libanais. L’auteur raconte porter aussi sa propre guerre qui s’essouffle et change de signes, au-delà même du Liban, en vue de transformer le rapport même à la guerre. Il renvoie à quelques textes qui traitent, sous l’angle de la déconstruction, d’une autre politique (...) de la communauté et des frontières, à plus d’une loi. (shrink)

Les places où eurent lieu les contestations du soulèvement du 17 octobre au Liban ont connu l’émergence d’expressions populaires de dissidence, de colère et d’espoir. Les messages furent portés à travers différents médias, en particulier les graffitis, la musique, les chants. Cet épisode est particulier en ce que ces expressions transcendèrent les clivages sectaires et politiques habituels. Ce texte revisite, archive et analyse les différents moyens d’expression qui furent abondamment utilisés au cours de ce mouvement.

Spécialiste de la pensée arabo-musulmane, plus particulièrement de la pensée de Ghazali, Farid Jabre mit à profit cet approfondissement pour envisager l'ouverture de leur legs à l'humanisme contemporain. Il procéda à l'analyse critique des catégories de pensée et des critères de vérité de la raison arabe. Il remania et réhabilita la terminologie philosophique arabe. Il fixa les conditions et les procédés de l'éclatement et du renouveau de la pensée philosophique arabo-musulmane en la soumettant à la raison parvenue à l'âge de (...) l'herméneutique. Mais sa principale contribution fut l'élaboration du projet de la création d'un courant de pensée philosophique humaniste d'expression authentiquement arabe. (shrink)

Human actions have been one of the most discussed topics in the science of kalām since the first centuries of Hijra. Many scholars from different schools of kalām have tried to solve this problem. Efforts to solve the problem have brought different views. In this framework, three main views emerged Jabrī, Qadarī/Muʿtazilī and Salafī/Sunnī. The views of Islamic philosophers were added to these and this number was increased to four. Nevertheless, Sunnī scholars, who agree on the basic propositions, disagreed on (...) the nature of kasb. While there are differences of opinion between Ashʿarī and Māturīdī schools, there are also those who put forward different views among scholars belonging to the same school. Abū Bakr al-Bāqillānī (d. 403/1013), Abū Isḥāq al-Isfarāyīnī (d. 418/1027) and Juwaynī (d. 478/1085), Sadr al- Shrīʿa (d. 747/1346) and Ibn al-Humām (d. 861/1457) are the most obvious examples of this. These views on human actions have been mentioned in their works by scholars of kalām. One of these scholars is Gelenbevî Ismāʿil (d. 1205/1791). In this article, the views on human actions will be examined in the context of Gelenbevî’s work named Ḥāshiya ʿalā Sharḥ al ʿAqāʾid al ʿAḍudiyya. Gelenbevî makes concise or detailed explanations about the views mentioned in his work with the exception of Ibn al-Humām. In addition, he also mentions the views of al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111). While Gelenbevî mentions these views and the discussions that took place around them, He makes use of his works Ījī’s (d. 756/1355) named Mawāqif, Taftāzānī’s (d. 792/1390) Sharḥ al Maqāṣ̣ıd and Jurjānī’s (d. 816/1413) Sharḥ al - Mawāqif. Gelenbevî states that Ashʿari’s view is middle jabr (jabr al muṭavaṣṣıṭ) and even he is accused of being pure jabr (jabr al- maḫẓ). Based on the concept of partial will (al-irādah al-juzʾiyyah), he says that the views of Bāqillānī and Māturīdī school are the same and states that this view is more successful than Ashʿari’s in explaining human responsibility. This thought indicates that he is closer to the Māturīdī view of human actions than to Ashʿarī. He points out that Isfarāyīnī’s views are open to criticism in some respects. He implicitly states that he does not agree with the idea that Juwayni agrees with the Islamic philosophers. Rather than Muʿtazila’s views, it focuses on whether their views and the views of Islamic philosophers are the same. (shrink)

Belief in destiny is one of the principles of faith. Although the belief in fate is not explicitly mentioned in the Qur’an, there are many verses that indicate this belief. There are many hadiths about fate that have reached us from the Prophet. Although there are schools that deny destiny, Ahl al-Sunnah schools Ash‘aris and Maturidis accept the existence of belief in destiny. The definitions of destiny of these schools are expressed with words that can be used interchangeably. However, fate (...) should not be evaluated in a single category. It also has varieties. If destiny is perceived as only one kind of Forced destiny, it is inevitable to cause misunderstandings. Forced fate; it is destiny that does not give freedom to beings; It happens with the knowledge, will, power and creation of Allah. Some destinies of inanimate substances, plants, animals and humans are of this type. Jabr and responsibility are incompatible. Although some actions take place in their own bodies, people are not responsible for their forced destiny. Man is a freely created being within certain limits. The ability of intellect, will, power, and carrying out actions has been granted to them. By using them, a person performs his acts of will, and as a result, he becomes responsible for his actions. Having free will and freedom distinguishes humans from other living things. Where there is no human freedom, there is no responsibility. Human life is not uniform, it is in a state of constant change and transformation. In addition to these two types of fate, there is also a type of fate that turns into willful fate, although it was forced in the beginning. In addition to this, there are some actions that start with the will of man and later turn into forced fate. There are also types of disability that we have examined in connection with the belief in destiny and its types. Allah has sent humans to the world to be tested. Illness and disability are also part of the test. Diseases; they may be due to genetic, environmental factors, and food-related. Congenital diseases and disabilities can sometimes cause the world test to be difficult. The biological rules set by Allah are also valid for humans. Genetic hereditary diseases and disabilities occur when the genes carried by the parents are passed on to the child. While some genes are recessive, some genes are dominant. Genes that cause hereditary diseases and disabilities show an uneven distribution depending on their geographical habitats, sharing the same environment in the historical process, and the extent of intermingling of their lineages through marriages. While recessive genes can be passed on from generation to generation, dominant genes that cause death generally do not have the opportunity to pass on to the next generation. In today’s context, the diagnosis of genetic diseases and disabilities is attainable, enabling the implementation of necessary precautions accordingly; furthermore, partial or even complete treatment opportunities can be available depending on the circumstances. In this respect, all of the congenital diseases and disabilities due to genes are a forced fate that is not in the hands of man. As for those diseases and disabilities for which treatment opportunities exist, they fall under the category of fate that transitions from forced fate to willful destiny. Some genetic diseases and disabilities of people may appear in later ages. However, non-genetic diseases and disabilities are also facts of life. Every individual can become ill and experience disability during certain periods of their life. Diseases and disabilities can occur with a number of factors that do not depend on an individual's will, actions, or behaviors. Such diseases are also within the scope of forced fate. A person can also be disabled due to one’s own mistakes and negligence. However, it is a behavior befitting a Muslim to be treated in cases of all kinds of diseases and disabilities. The treatment of diseases for which there is a cure is a willed destiny. Diseases and obstacles that cannot be cured are forced fate. (shrink)

This study will examine how Dāvūd al-Qarṣī, an 18th-century Ottoman scholar, resolved the paradox between human freewill and God being the creator of everything in his work Risālâh fi’l-ikhtiyārāt al-juzʾiyyah wa’l-irādāt al-qalbiyyah. In addition, in this study, the critical edition and translation of the risālah will also be provided. The treatise which is the subject of the present study is a link in the series of works written under the title of human acts in the Islamic thought tradition regarding al-irādah (...) al-juzʾiyyah, afʿāl al-ʿibād, khalq al-aʿmāl, qaḍā, and qadar. This risālah is one of the rare examples prepared with the method of “mamzūj annotation (sharḥ)”, which is a method in which “text” and “annotation” are intertwined. Qarṣī examines in detail a total of seven views, four of which are famous (mashhūr) and three of which are non-famous, about voluntary acts. Qarṣī interprets the approaches and views of the non-famous sects and includes them in the famous sects and allocates approximately 4/3 of the work to these sects. In the final stage of the work, the author states that the view of Māturīdīs is parallel with the predecessor’s (Salaf) view of “Neither jabr nor tafwīḍ; rather, it is merely a situation between these two approaches.” Qarṣī, who was inspired by Athīrī Maḥmad Afandī (d. 1092/1681), says that voluntary acts come about by the sum of “two powers (qudrat)”, “two wishes (mashīʾat)” and “one taqwīn”. Also, according to this, the first four of them are proximate causes, while the attribute taqwīn is the influencing factor. Qarṣī acts from the meanings of the term action (fiʿl) and the “theory of state (ḥāl)” in order to prove that human beings are true agents (fāʿil) on the one hand and to protect God’s attribute of creation on the other. In fact, the concept of “state (ḥāl)”, used in understanding divine attributes and some ontological issues, was applied to acts by the Māturīdī mutakallim Ṣadr al-Sharīʿa al-Thānī (d. 747/1346). Thus, a doctrine of action was developed, and this doctrine was accepted and used by the later period Māturīdī mutakallims. With reference to Ṣadr al-Sharīʿa, Qarṣī tries to justify the issue based on the meanings of the the term action and the modes of existence of these meanings. He says that action has two implications; one of them is the “infinitive meaning” (al-maʿnā al-maṣdarī) and the other is “the thing that comes with this infinitive meaning (al-ḥāṣıl bi-maṣdar)”. The infinitive meaning of the act constitutes the “non-thing aspect” of the action, and the meaning of the action that is created with the infinitive indicates “the thing aspect” thereof. Thus, because the aspect of the action that is not existentand therefore not a thing is not subject to creation, the agency and responsibility of human beings are grounded. Similarly, Qarṣī maintains that the mashīʾat, which means will, qaṣd and al-irādah al-juzʾiyyah, was not created because its existence in humans is in the form of succession and it is of a state-like (ḥāl) existenceOn this account. Qarṣī manages to preserve both human freewill and the absolute creativity of God due to the non-existent and non-thing aspect of the act on the one hand, and will (irādah), mashīʾat and qaṣd not being subjected to creation on the other. (shrink)

Es común escuchar que el mundo Occidental debe a los árabes el descubrimiento del álgebra. No obstante, el desarrollo de esta disciplina puede interpretarse como un crisol de distintas tradiciones científicas que fue posible gracias a la clasificación, traducción y crítica tanto de los clásicos como de las obras que los árabes obtuvieron de los pueblos que conquistaron. Entre estos trabajos se encontraba Los Elementos de Euclides. Los Elementos fueron cuidadosamente traducidos durante el califato de Al-Ma’mūn por el matemático Mohammed (...) ibn-Musa Al-Khwārizmī, autor de Al-jabr wa’l muqābalah, quien sentó los fundamentos de la disciplina que más tarde sería conocida como álgebra y quien, en la primera parte de su obra, nos proporciona tres métodos para resolver tres tipos de ecuaciones que llama “ecuaciones combinadas”. A lo largo de este artículo se ofrecen argumentos para sostener que los métodos para resolver estas ecuaciones constituyen una reinterpretación, en el terreno algebraico, de los teoremas 6, 7 y 8 del segundo libro de Los Elementos de Euclides. Mi objetivo es dar respuesta a la siguiente pregunta: ¿Qué lectura de Los elementos Euclides posibilitó la emergencia del álgebra en el mundo árabe? Para responderla necesario explorar el acercamiento que los árabes tuvieron con el Libro II de Los Elementos, con el fin de proponer una interpretación de los posibles factores que los llevaron a formular el álgebra. Esto último, en particular, se encuentra en la primera parte de la obra de Al-Khwārizmī. Palabras clave: Álgebra, Al-Khwārizmī, Euclides, Ecuación, Teorema. (shrink)

It was a strange posthumous fate that awaited the Englishman Robert of Ketton : he was to be both best known and most strenuously criticized for a work that he surely viewed as a sideline to his own interests and career. By trade Robert was a Latin translator of Arabic scientific and mathematical works, one of those remarkable twelfth-century men who, as his contemporary Petrus Alfonsi put it, were willing “to traverse distant provinces and withdraw into remote regions so as (...) to be able to attain fuller knowledge of the astronomical art.” Like other contemporary translators, such as the Italian Gerard of Cremona , Robert had left his birthplace—in his case Rutlandshire—and traveled to Spain in order to have access to the great works of Arabic astronomy and mathematics that could be found in the still very Arab Iberian Peninsula. By 1141 we find him and his close friend Herman of Carinthia studying and translating scientific works together in northeastern Spain, and in later years his astronomical interests and ecclesiastical responsibilities led him to travel widely in Spain and England. As a scientific translator, he is perhaps best known for his Liber algebrae et Almucabola, a Latin version of al-Khwarazmī's great manual of algebra, Al-Kitāb al-mukhtaṣar fī ḥisāb al-jabr wa-al-muqābalah. (shrink)

For more than a century, there has been some discussion about whether medieval Arabic al-jabr has its roots in Indian or Greek mathematics. Since the 1930s, the possibility of Babylonian ultimate roots has entered the debate. This article presents a new approach to the problem, pointing to a set of quasi-algebraic riddles that appear to have circulated among Near Eastern practical geometers since c. 2000 BCE, and which inspired first the so-called “algebra” of the Old Babylonian scribal school and (...) later the geometry of Elements II. The riddles also turn up in ancient Greek practical geometry and Jaina mathematics. Eventually they reached European mathematics via the Islamic world. However, no evidence supports a derivation of medieval Indian algebra or the original core of al-jabr from the riddles. (shrink)

al-juz 1.-3. [without special title] -- al-juzʼ 4. Fī mabāḥith al-ḥudūth wa-al-qidam wa-asrār al-dahr wa-al-azl -- al-juzʼ 5. Fī al-zamān wa-al-makān -- al-juzʼ 6. Fī al-hayūlī -- al-juzʼ 7. Fī al-arwāḥ al-ʻāliyah wa-al-sāfilah -- al-juzʼ 8. Fī al-nubūwāt wa-ma yataʻalaqu biha -- al-juzʼ 9. Fī al-jabr wa-al-qudar, aw, al-Qadāʼ wa-al-qadar.