Comment en est-on venu à penser qu'il suffisait de renverser un régime autoritaire pour que la démocratie s'installe, voire, comme en Irak en 2003, d'envahir un pays pour le libérer? En quel sens peut-on dire que la démocratie est le "modèle" de régime qui correspond le mieux à certaines aspirations fondamentales de l'humanité? L'idée d'une diffusion par la force de la démocratie n'est-elle pas une contradiction dans les termes? Pour répondre à ces questions, Florent Guénard remonte aux présupposés philosophiques des (...) visions de l'expansion démocratique qui voient celle-ci comme un processus inéluctable, mais aussi aux différentes compréhensions de ce qu'est un "modèle" politique. Dans une double démarche, à la fois historique et typologique, il expose comment la démocratisation a été pensée dans la philosophie politique depuis Platon et compare les différentes voies proposées, soulignant le tournant qu'à constitué la Révolution française et la Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen dans le processus. Avant 1789, la démocratie occidentale est un modèle politique qu'on ne conçoit comme généralisable que sous certaines conditions. Aux XIXe et XXe siècles, elle devient exportable : c'est elle qui est censée réaliser les aspirations de la modernité. La critique postcoloniale a largement montré les limites et les coûts de cette modélisation. Comprendre aujourd'hui l'expansion de la démocratie suppose qu'on prenne en compte les nouvelles formes de l'universalisme démocratique, en évitant à la fois le dogmatisme d'un modèle imposé au monde et le relativisme qui empêche de voir que les nations s'imitent et s'inspirent les unes des autres. La démocratie est aujourd'hui le nom d'un idéal d'émancipation appropriable et mondialisé. (shrink)

Du sommaire: I -- Clinique et philosophie: Le probleme -- La polemique. II -- Eloge du masochisme, critique de la notion de plaisir. III -- Philosophie de la repetition: Les trois repetitions -- Comment une philosophie du temps revient a Masoch et a Sade -- L'inconscient et les problemes. IV -- Le corps sans organes, critique ou abandon de la psychanalyse?: Artaud et Van Gogh -- La distance prise par rapport a l'organisme -- Les devenirs et leur fin immanente. V (...) -- Les devenirs et les syntheses disjonctives: Les syntheses disjonctives et l'invention de la vie et de la pensee -- Repeter et inventer selon Deleuze et selon Freud -- Ambiguite de la repetition en psychanalyse. VI -- Philosophie de l'infini, creer des concepts est-ce circuler a vitesse infinie sur le chaos?: L'affinite de la philosophie avec l'infini -- L'infini et la raison contingente -- Sur la lecture de Deleuze par Alain Badiou -- Une invention conceptuelle met-elle en jeu l'infini?". (shrink)

La publication de l' "Emile" et du "Contrat social" a dressé les autorités de l'Europe entière contre Rousseau. A Genève, les deux ouvrages sont condamnés et brûlés le 18 juin 1762.

Le but de cet ouvrage est d'éclairer la façon dont Rousseau fait de la philosophie. Il s'organise autour des notions de dispositions, de sensibilité, et de relations sous lesquelles Rousseau pense le devenir humain de la nature. Leur rôle transversal et cardinal dans sa philosophie permet d'en appréhender l'unité.

It is often said that there is no appearance/reality distinction with respect to consciousness. Call this claim ‘NARD’. In contemporary discussions, NARD is closely connected to the thesis of revelation, the claim that the essences of phenomenal properties are revealed in experience, though the connection between the two requires clarification. This paper distinguishes different versions of NARD and homes in on a particular version that is closely connected to revelation. It shows how revelation and the related version of NARD pose (...) a threat to physicalism. Responses from physicalism and their limitations are also considered. (shrink)

The cultural background of the nard and its mention in connection with the Sulamite in the Song of Songs helps to understand Mary's gesture of anointing Jesus' feet . This was in thanksgiving for the resurrection. The nard as an exotic and strong aromatic plant acts mainly as a metaphor for life, love and value, confirmed by the symbolic values of the other plants mentioned with it in the Song . Special reference is made to its presentation as pistitós and (...) to its economic worth. John insists that the unction was performed on Jesus' feet; and this is the right way of anointing a man reclined for a banquet, while a previous anointing of the head remains plausible. The wiping up of the perfume on Mary's part hints to her participation in Jesus; both are defined by the significance of the nard. The nard was not used in any rite of kingship, nor for burial. And so Jesus' words referring to the poor and his burial are interpreted as an ironic reproach to Judas' criticism, and not as an explanation of Mary' gesture. The difficulty of combining the mention of some oil remaining for the future when all seems already poured out is solved by applying the narrative technique of presenting synchronicity and simultaneity. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:A Vexed Pharmacopeia: Musings on Two Thousand Years of Scholarship Regarding the Ancient Spice Trade ROGER MICHEL ALEXY KARENOWSKA GEORGE ALTSHULER MATTHEW COBB Alice went back to the table. She found a little bottle on it, and round the neck of the bottle was a paper label, with the words “DRINK ME” beautifully printed on it in large letters. It was all very well to say “Drink me,” but (...) the wise little Alice was not going to do that in a hurry. “No, I’ll look first,” she said, “and see whether it’s marked ‘poison’ or not.” However, the bottle was not marked “poison,” so Alice ventured to taste it, and finding it very nice, (it had, in fact, a sort of mixed flavour of cherry-tart, custard, pine-apple, roast turkey, toffee, and hot buttered toast), she very soon finished it off. “What a curious feeling!” said Alice. —Lewis Carroll, Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865) যে ব্যামোর দেখবেন সাতান্ন রকমের ওষুধ, বুঝে নেবেন, সে ব্যামো ওষুধে সারে না।1 —Syed Mujtaba Ali, চাচা কাহিনী (1955) introduction Mankind’s fascination with spice dates back at least 8,000 years—both culinary and medicinal herbs are referenced in the Vedas, Hinduism’s oldest religious text. Spice is also peppered throughout the Old Testament.2 The Song of Solomon recites: “Thy plants are an orchard of pomegranates, with pleasant fruits; camphire, with spikearion 28.1 spring/summer 2020 2 a vexed pharmacopeia nard and saffron; calamus and cinnamon, with all trees of frankincense; myrrh and aloes, with all the chief spices.”3 Every one of these fruits, plants and spices remained popular in the West throughout antiquity, into the Middle Ages, and beyond. As early as 3000 bc, trade routes had connected the Mediterranean to the near east. Courtesy of this “Spice Road,” ancient Mediterranean civilizations had access to a wide range of horseradishes, mustards, peppers, gingers and other spices. The Greeks and Romans had a special relationship with black pepper—so much so that four out of five recipes in Apicius’s famous 1st century cookbook4 called for a sprinkling of this sometimes-costly commodity. It is perhaps not coincidental that black pepper contains heat-producing alkaloids very similar to those found in New World chili peppers. Much has been written about the important role of chilis in South and Central American culture—a region that, by the Middle Ages, was in many respects the equal of Europe in “artistic sensibility, social complexity, and political organization.”5 The habanero and its capsainoid cousins were at the heart of the culinary and ceremonial customs of Mesoamerica, their biting heat and florid livery an apt metaphor for the “extravagant feats of human butchery”6 —very much in the tradition of the spectacular venationes of ancient Rome—for which the Aztecs at least were well known. To what extent was hot spice also a significant part of the culinary, medical and cultural landscape of the Old World? At a conference hosted by the Institute for Digital Archaeology at the University of Oxford last December, experts from Europe and North America examined the literary, historical, archaeological and scientific evidence around these questions. Their inquiry received a boost from new and rapidly developing techniques for examining the physical evidence of ancient diet and food production—laboratory techniques not available even five years ago. There was also fresh medical evidence to consider: significant research is being done in the area of chemosensation in the context of spicy foods. This Roger Michel, Alexy Karenowska, George Altshuler, Matthew Cobb 3 includes trying to understand how different so-called “TRP channels” in the nervous system process spice information— in particular, the connection between spice and endorphin levels. It appears that many of the hot spices available in antiquity could potentially trigger the same TRP channels as the capsaicin-charged Mesoamerican peppers. This creates a nice connection between old and new world spice that helps to explain and contextualize both. However, in the end, firm conclusions at the Oxford conference were scarce. It quickly became clear that more work, a greater diversity of viewpoints, better refined questions, and a change of venue were required to make additional progress. To paraphrase William Boot, the accidental protagonist of Evelyn Waugh’s autobiographical Scoop (wherein events around... (shrink)