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In the late 1980s workforce became more diverse in terms of demographic changes, cultural differences and other characteristics of organizational members. This diversity was a reflection of changing global markets. Workforce diversity has both positive and negative effects on organizational performance. Therefore, it is becoming important especially for medium- and large-scale businesses. In order to manage increasingly workforce diversity and to prevent discrimination, diversity management is now considered as a major part of strategic human resource management. The purpose of this (...) study is to establish the dimensions of discrimination that occur due to demographic differences in Turkish manufacturing industry. The findings of the research indicate that demographic characteristics, socio-cultural structure, managerial policy and behaviors, union tendency and regional differences, laws and local community, gender, educational and age differences, and political opinions have influence on discrimination. According to the results, discrimination has been observed mostly in job processes such as promotions and appointments, human resource selection, job/employment examination and interviews, and performance appraisal. (shrink)

What accounts for the resurgence of religion in Muslim countries that pursue strict secularization policies? Theories of religious resurgence have emphasized secular differentiation, religious growth, and pietist agency as animating sources behind politically engaged religions. Extending this work, I advance a typology of strategies oppositional actors employ to produce and sustain religious politics. I ground my approach in the study of Islamic resurgence in Turkey during the twentieth century. Drawing on published primary sources, secondary historiography, and multi-sited fieldwork, the analysis (...) shows that Turkish Islamists spearheaded successful resurgence not only by capitalizing on exogenous “opportunities” that punctuated the “repressive” pathway but, more importantly, by pursuing endogenous institutional change. Even though secularizing agents restricted the religious field’s autonomy, dissidents avoided open confrontation with the state. Instead, they positioned themselves within official institutions (embedding, layering), changed their logic (conversion), and supplemented these institutions with alternative ones (substitution). As a result, religious actors turned Islam into an ideological counterattack on the regime’s secular institutions. These insights can be extended to religious mobilizations throughout the Muslim world as well as to non-religious social struggles beyond it. (shrink)

How can ethnic boundaries survive in contexts of legal racial equality and institutionalized ethnic mixing? Constructivist theories of ethnicity have long emphasized the fluidity, rather than the durability, of ethnic boundaries. But the fact that ethnic boundaries often endure—and even thrive—in putatively non-ethnic political contexts suggests the need for sustained attention to the problem of boundary persistence. Based on an ethnographic study of ethnic boundaries in the Turkish case, this article argues that the regulation of the domain of sexuality and (...) marriage can play a critical role in reproducing boundaries when political institutions neither acknowledge nor aid in the survival of ethnic diversity. Ultimately, the data provide substantial evidence that the transmission and internalization of informal rules of inter-ethnic sexual conduct are central to boundary maintenance. (shrink)

This research was carried out among 220 married women entrepreneurs in Ankara urban center to determine the interaction between the business and family lives. In this study, random sampling method has been used and women entrepreneurs have been taken to sphere of the research were interviewed. The effect of being an entrepreneur on the multiple roles (family, social, economical and individual) and the state of conflict between the entrepreneur role and other roles in family were examined. On the other hand, (...) the stress occurred from business and family life was emphasized. Research findings showed that the women thought that being entrepreneurs affect their roles in family life negatively, while positively affecting their roles in social, economical and individual life and they suffered from conflicts between the entrepreneur role and other roles in family and that the role of entrepreneur mostly conflicted with the roles of housewife, mother, and wife, respectively. It was found that the most important factors causing stress due to business and family life were insufficient demand in the market, excessive expectations of family members and physical fatigue. (shrink)

This article focuses on images of walking in Agnès Varda's films – Cléo de 5 à 7 (1962), Sans toit ni loi (1985), and Les Plages d’Agnès (2008). The activity of walking (as urban flânerie, circular travelling or walking backwards) is central to these films, and can be seen as a corporeal practice that not only interweaves striated and smooth spaces but also offer a gender-sensitive, political contemplation on the forces of striation and smoothing as well as a re-invention of (...) space. The women in movement in Varda's films embody a transgression of stratified territories such as the image-oriented society of the spectacle in Cléo, myths of adolescence and settled living in Sans toit ni loi, or the boundaries of aging in Les Plages d'Agnès. (shrink)

Yirminci yüzyıl Türk düşüncesinin Anadolucu milliyetçiliğinin önemli bir figürü olan Nurettin Topçu’nun ahlak, din ve irade ve eğitim konusundaki görüşleri oldukça sık irdelenmiş ve bu alanda düşüncesinin özgünlüğünü ortaya koyan pek çok çalışma olmasına rağmen onun parlamenter demokrasi fikrine yönelik görüşlerini ele alan çalışma sayısı pek fazla değildir. Topçu’nun benimsediği Anadoluculuk fikri 20. Yüzyılın başında ortaya çıkmış bir düşünsel akımdır ve farklı Anadoluculuk ekollerinin varlığından söz edilebilir. Topçu’nun ruhçu milliyetçi sosyalist bir Anadoluculuk fikrini savunması, onu diğer milliyetçi yaklaşımlardan farklı (...) kılmaktadır. Özellikle Topçu’daki kapitalizm eleştirisi onun parlamenter demokrasi fikrine de eleştirel yaklaşmasına neden olmuştur. Nurettin Topçu geliştirdiği devlet anlayışı çerçevesinde demokrasiyi milliyetçiliğe aykırı bir sistem olarak görür ve bu yönden eleştirir. Bu eleştirinin sonucu olarak da parlamenter demokrasiye dayalı çoğulcu bir siyasal yapı yerine; korporatif otoriter bir siyasal sistemi önerir. Bu makalede düşünürün milliyetçilik anlayışı diğer milliyetçilik anlayışlarından ayrıldığı noktaları ortaya koyarak, kapitalizm eleştirisine dayalı olarak parlamenter demokrasi fikrine getirdiği eleştirileri ele alacağız ve parlamenter demokrasi yerine otoriter bir korporatizmi önerdiğini göstermeye çalışacağız. Bu çerçevede yazarın demokrasi kavramına getirdiği eleştirinin de popülist bir romantizm temelinde getirilen bir eleştiri olduğu gösterilmeye çalışılacaktır. (shrink)