Jason Brennan has argued that democracy is intrinsically unjust, for it grants voting power to politically incompetent individuals, thus exposing people to an undue risk of harm. He claims democracy should be replaced by epistocracy, i.e., the rule of the knowers. In this paper, I show that his argument fails. First, Brennan mistakes voters’ competence for voters’ trustworthiness. Second, despite Brennan's claim to the contrary, an epistocracy may not reduce people’s exposure to an undue risk of harm. Third, Brennan overlooks (...) the fact that citizens are not equally affected by ‘bad voting.’ Fourth, far from being a defence of libertarian ideals, Brennan's argument supports paternalism. (shrink)

These proceedings collect the selected contributions of participants of the First Karl Schwarzschild Meeting on Gravitational Physics, held in Frankfurt, Germany to celebrate the 140th anniversary of Schwarzschild's birth. They are grouped into 4 main themes: I. The Life and Work of Karl Schwarzschild; II. Black Holes in Classical General Relativity, Numerical Relativity, Astrophysics, Cosmology, and Alternative Theories of Gravity; III. Black Holes in Quantum Gravity and String Theory; IV. Other Topics in Contemporary Gravitation. Inspired by the foundational principle ``By (...) acknowledging the past, we open a route to the future", the week-long meeting, envisioned as a forum for exchange between scientists from all locations and levels of education, drew participants from 15 countries across 4 continents. In addition to plenary talks from leading researchers, a special focus on young talent was provided, a feature underlined by the Springer Prize for the best student and junior presentations. (shrink)

Se aborda el problema fundamental de la pragmática trascendental del lenguaje, así como también la cuestión de la ética del discurso desarrollada por K.-O. Apel y J. Habermas; asunto referido a la obligatoriedad de las reglas del discurso. La atención se centra en la objeción de Habermas, que restringe el alcance de la obligatoriedad de esas reglas. Se analiza la objeción, así como la solución que este autor propone, y se ofrece un sentido para su respuesta. The article addresses the (...) fundamental problem of the transcendental pragmatics of language, as well as the issue of the ethics of discourse developed by K.-O. Apel and J. Habermas, a matter referred to the obligatoriness of the rules of discourse. Attention is focused on the objection posed by Habermas, which restricts the scope of the obligatory nature of those rules. After analyzing the objection and the solution proposed by Habermas, we offer an interpretation of his response. (shrink)

Many believe that a citizen who engages in civil disobedience is not exempt from the sanctions that apply to standard law-breaking conduct. Since he is responsible for a deliberate breach of the law, he is also liable to punishment. Focusing on a conception of responsibility as answerability, I argue that a civil disobedient is responsible (i.e. answerable) to his fellows for the charges of wrongdoing, yet he is not liable to punishment merely for breaching the law. To support this claim, (...) I defend an account of political obligation framed in terms of respect for (rather than mere obedience to) the law, and argue that the mere illegality of civil disobedience does not suffice to establish wrongdoing. I then discuss and reject three objections to my argument. (shrink)

La pragmática trascendental del lenguaje de Karl-Otto Apel ha sido principalmente una reconstrucción (y fundamentación) de los presupuestos irrebasables del discurso argumentativo. Ella no se ha extendido sobre las acciones en principio no discursivas de los hombres. En el presente trabajo se expone cómo debería entenderse a este tipo de acciones en el marco de dicha pragmática. Así, se presentan aquí las implicancias que tiene para la constitución y explicación de las acciones el ser comprendidas bajo un aspecto central de (...) la pragmática de Apel como es la crítica trascendental del sentido. Con este objetivo, se desarrollan (I) las características generales y esquemáticas que presenta el lenguaje en su rol de “dador” de sentido en la obra de Apel. Luego (II), el artículo se extiende sobre este rol aplicado ahora a las acciones en general de los individuos. Finalmente, y mediante una reflexión sobre la validez implicada en toda articulación lingüística (III), se extraen algunas conclusiones sobre cómo debería entenderse a las acciones en el marco de la pragmática trascendental del lenguaje (IV). Karl-Otto Apel’s transcendental pragmatics of language has been mainly a reconstruction (and justification) of the inevitable assumptions of argumentative discourse. This pragmatic has said barely anything about non argumentative action of men. This paper shows what implies for the constitution and explanation of non-argumentative actions of men to be understood under a central aspect of that pragmatic as the transcendental critic of sense (Sinn). To this end, it develops (I) the general and schematic characteristics that language presents in its role of meaning “giver” in the work of Apel. Then (II), the article spreads over this role now applied to the actions of individuals in general. Finally, through a reflection on the validity involved in all linguistic articulation (III), draws some conclusions about how the actions should be understood within the framework of transcendental pragmatics of language (IV). (shrink)

Se aborda el problema fundamental de la pragmática trascendental del lenguaje, así como también la cuestión de la ética del discurso desarrollada por K.-O. Apel y J. Habermas; asunto referido a la obligatoriedad de las reglas del discurso. La atención se centra en la objeción de Habermas, que restringe el alcance de la obligatoriedad de esas reglas. Se analiza la objeción, así como la solución que este autor propone, y se ofrece un sentido para su respuesta.

The fair-play theory of punishment claims that the state is justified in imposing additional burdens on law-breakers, to remove the unfair advantage the latter have enjoyed by disobeying the law. From this perspective, punishment reestablishes a fair distribution of benefits and burdens among all citizens. In this paper, I object to this view by focusing on the case of civil disobedience. I argue that the mere illegality of this conduct is insufficient to establish the agent’s unfair advantage over his lawabiding (...) fellows, hence the imposition of additional burdens upon him through legal punishment. I articulate a broader account of citizens’ fair-play duties, able to capture disobedience as well as obedience to the law. While claiming that some law-breakers may not be treated as free-riders, I also gesture at the fact that some law-obeying citizens may not be ‘playing fair’: in some cases, a failure to engage in civil disobedience represents a failure to do one’s own part within the cooperative scheme of society. (shrink)

What is the difference between civil and uncivil disobedience? How can illegal protest be compatible with a democratic regime based on the rule of law? Is Edward Snowden a civil disobedient? This book follows the philosophical debate around these and other issues, showing how the notion of civil disobedience has evolved from a form of passive resistance against injustice, to an active way to engage with the political life of the community. The author presents the major contributions in political and (...) legal philosophy, ranging from John Rawls' seminal account in 1971, to the recent views advanced by Kimberley Brownlee, David Lefkowitz and William Smith. In the last chapter, the author proposes a novel account of civil disobedience, able to meet some of the unresolved challenges. The author argues that, to make sense of civil disobedience, we should expand our conception of political obligation, so to include acts that, despite being illegal, may reveal the agent's civility. (shrink)

The paper tries to elucidate some of the implications of using phenomenology in anthropological research. The starting point is Blumenberg’s critique of the Husserlian Anthropologieverbot, against which he proposes a phenomenological anthropology as a “description of man” that can never be completed. This idea resonates with the use of phenomenology in contemporary ethnographic and anthropological works: the problem stems from the “disempowering” effect that this anthropological use has on the phenomenological analytical power. Phenomenology has, from an anthropological point of view, (...) the great advantage of offering a “trans-ontological” perspective able to let the Other speak. Many influential anthropologists cite Merleau-Ponty as a key figure in their approach, as in the case of Csordas’ “embodiment paradigm”, Jackson’s “existential anthropology” or Throop’s idea of an “ethnographic epoché”. This is equally true for two of the key figures of the “Ontological turn”, Descola and Ingold, albeit in radically different ways. On the contrary, it is difficult to find philosophers influenced by “non-philosophical” anthropology. The paper discusses both advantages and limits of phenomenological approaches in anthropology, adopting philosophical and anthropological perspectives, attempting to understand the deeply asymmetrical relation of the two disciplines. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThis article examines the Trinitarian anthropology inherent in the ‘charism of unity’ that characterizes the Focolare Movement stemming from the mystical experience of Chiara Lubich. After describing the theological cornerstones of this charism―namely the evangelical centrality of the commandment of reciprocal love, the circularity between theology and anthropology and Jesus Forsaken as the Christological key to understanding and achieving unity―the article studies its cultural implications as reflected in the philosophical and theological contribution of Klaus Hemmerle. In dialogue with modern thought, (...) Hemmerle in fact draws from and develops the anthropological meaning of the charism of unity as a feasible way to respond to the most acute challenges of today. (shrink)

This paper considers the boundaries of "civility" in civil disobedience, by focusing on an extreme form of protest, namely, bossnapping. The latter involves workers 'kidnapping' their bosses, in order to force them to listen to their grievances. I argue that, notwithstanding its use of force, bossnapping may, under some circumstances, fulfil the requirements of a "civil" act of disobedience.

Protein aggregation has been studied for at least 3 decades, and many of the principles that regulate this event are relatively well understood. Here, however, we present a different perspective to explain why proteins aggregate: we argue that aggregation may occur as a side‐effect of the lack of one or more natural partners that, under physiologic conditions, would act as chaperones. This would explain why the same surfaces that have evolved for functional purposes are also those that favour aggregation. In (...) the course of reviewing this field, we substantiate our hypothesis with three paradigmatic examples that argue for the generality of our proposal. An obvious corollary of this hypothesis is, of course, that targeting the physiological partners of a protein could be the most direct and specific approach to designing anti‐aggregation molecules. Our analysis may thus inform a different strategy for combating diseases of protein aggregation and misfolding. (shrink)

Central topics pertaining to the current debate in the philosophy of action concern the distinction between practical and theoretical reasoning, and the nature of a conclusion in a process of reasoning. In this debate the reference to the Aristotelian reflection is recurrent. In four passages from his works, that is MA. 7, 701a7-b1, EN. H 5, 1147a24-31, EE. B 11, 1227b23-33 and EN. Г 5, 1112bl1-24, Aristotle explores some important aspects of practical reasoning making a parallel with the logical structures (...) of theoretical reasoning. In particular he finds specific analogies between practical and theoretical syllogism, practical and theoretical necessity, deliberation and analysis, action and demonstration. In spite of its specifications, the activity of reason shows its unity. Aristotle considers and deepens the constitutive ingredients of theoretical reasoning in the contest of practical philosophy. The comparison between practical and theoretical reasoning has consequently an expositive purpose, because it supports Aristotle's treatment of action theory. (shrink)

As is well known, any preorder R on a set U induces an Alexandrov topology on U. In some interesting cases related to data mining an Alexandrov topology can be transformed into different types of logico-algebraic models. In some cases, (pre)topological operators provided by Pointless Topology may define a topological space on U even if R is not a preorder. If this is the case, then we call R a crypto-preorder. The paper studies the conditions under which a relation R (...) is a crypto-preorder and how to transform a crypto-preorder into a proper preorder. (shrink)

It is still an open question whether or not Civil Disobedience (CD) has to be completely nonviolent. According to Rawls, “any interference with the civil liberties of others tend to obscure the civilly disobedient quality of one's act”. From this Rawls concludes that by no means can CD pose a threath to other individuals' rights. In this paper I challenge Rawls' view, arguing that CD can comprise some degree of violence without losing its “civil” value. However, I specify that violence (...) must not be aimed at seriously injuring, or even killing, other individuals. This would contravene the communicative aspect of CD. The main claim is that what really is important is that the civil disobedients be willing to accept the punishment following their law-breaking behaviour. By doing so, they demonstrate the conscientiousness of their civilly disobedient action. This also shows that they are aiming for future cooperation with the State, and are expecting the State to be sensitive to their concern for the principles of justice. (shrink)

Acts of civil disobedience, which imply the open violation of a legal directive, often result in the forceful imposition of a choice upon others (e.g. blockades). This is sometimes justifiable, within a democracy, in cases of ‘democratic deficit’, namely, when fundamental rights of an oppressed minority are at stake. In this article, I claim that the use of physical force, in a democracy, may also be justified by the rights of (at least some of) the very people upon whom force (...) is applied. Focusing on the nature of civil disobedience as a ‘form of address’, I argue: (1) using physical force to address others in the democratic arena does not entail infringing upon their status as autonomous agents; (2) using physical force to address others in the democratic arena may contribute to the fulfilment of a positive duty to promote the autonomy of (at least some of) those very people upon whom force is applied. This is not a defence of paternalism: I claim that using force against others, in the democratic arena, may be constitutive of a behaviour that treats others with the respect due to their status as autonomous agents. (shrink)

El trabajo que aquí se presenta tiene como objetivo señalar cuáles son las condiciones estructurales que presenta una acción humana cuando se la comprende bajo la perspectiva de la pragmática trascendental de Karl-Otto Apel. Desde este punto de vista, la tesis principal que procura defender es que las acciones humanas comprendidas bajo la óptica de la pragmática trascendental contienen simetrías estructurales con los actos de habla. El trabajo no sólo señala en su primera parte (1) cuáles son las condiciones preliminares (...) que deben tenerse en cuenta para arribar a la tesis mencionada sino que en un segundo apartado (2) procura aportar argumentos a ella discutiendo con dos posiciones que sostienen que las condiciones de racionalidad de una y otra forma de actuar son completamente diferentes. Finalmente, en un tercer apartado (3) se extraen algunas conclusiones de la discusión mantenida en la sección anterior y se resumen las simetrías estructurales entre una y otra forma de actuar. (shrink)

En el presente trabajo se aborda el problema fundamental que concierne a la pragmática trascendental del lenguaje referido al alcance normativo de las reglas del discurso. Luego de presentar las características fundamentales que estas reglas manifiestan en la pragmática trascendental (I), se desarrolla la discusión en torno a su alcance normativo (II). Reconstruyendo y criticando la solución de Karl-Otto Apel a esta problemática (III) se presenta esquemáticamente una propuesta de solución (IV) y finalmente se extraen algunas conclusiones que pueden ser (...) tenidas en cuenta para futuros desarrollos de esta propuesta (V). (shrink)

El trabajo se extiende en un breve examen del lugar asignado por algunos autores como Jürgen Habermas, Karl-Otto Apel o Julio De Zan al discurso como instancia de legitimidad y crítica meta institucional de la sociedad. Haciendo un repaso de posiciones contrarias como las de Arnold Gehlen o Niklas Luhmann se procura establecer los alcances y los límites del espacio público –topos natural del discurso– como lugar paradigmático para interrelaciones sociales de fuerte contenido normativo orientadas hacia la validez de las (...) instituciones. Por último, se realizan una serie de precisiones que son necesarias para esa reivindicación del espacio público político. (shrink)

RESUMEN Las pragmáticas formales del lenguaje han reconstruido un conjunto de presupuestos a los cuales les han atribuido un contenido ético específico y así los han convertido en el eje de una propuesta ética, la ética del discurso. Sin embargo, este contenido ético ha sido puesto en cuestión por varios autores. En este artículo, se abordan primero algunas de esas objeciones, luego se les da una respuesta tal como es posible reconstruirla en la obra de Apel y Habermas y finalmente (...) se intenta mostrar un aspecto más interesante que esas objeciones plantean y como puede ésta ser desarrollada. ABSTRACT The formal pragmatics of language have reconstructed a set of presuppositions to which they have attributed a specific ethical content and thus have made them the axis of an ethical proposal, the discourse ethics. However, this ethical content has been questioned by several authors. In this article, some of these objections are addressed first, then they are given an answer as it is possible to reconstruct it in the work of Apel and Habermas and finally try to show a more interesting aspect than those objections pose and how it can be developed. (shrink)