Philosophy & Social Criticism, Volume 48, Issue 4, Page 631-641, May 2022. Academic freedom is currently threatened not only in dictatorial or authoritarian regimes but in democracies as well. Thus, this analysis of the contemporary French experience, in which we observe a destructive climate maintained by intellectuals and political actors on both the right and the left. The extremization, intolerance, and radicalization of debates have increased since the election of Emmanuel Macron in 2017. At the same time, university institutions often (...) appear overwhelmed or powerless in the face of both internal and external dangers. (shrink)

Violence confronts us increasingly, everywhere: how are we to make sense of it? Its ubiquity begs the question of analytical differentiation. This article seeks to open the field by suggesting a fivefold typology: violence as loss of meaning; violence as non-sense; violence as cruelty; fundamental violence; and founding violence. The idea of analytically differentiating between types of violence cannot avoid the fact that sometimes victims are also perpetrators in other ways, and that even violent activity is not conducted only by (...) essentially violent subjects. Violence needs to be connected to modernity and to problems of identity formation and not only to personal or collective risk. (shrink)

During the last forty years, France has undergone a profound transformation, social, political, cultural and intellectual. This article locates Pierre Bourdieu's position on the French intellectual scene during these years. Analysing the relationship between general changes and Bourdieu's positions enables us to understand how the discussion of ideas can be perverted into a kind of sociological terrorism.

Ulrich Beck was both a committed intellectual and one of the most original and innovative thinkers in our times, bringing new ideas and knowledge about the world in which we live. Among his more recent conceptual tributes, one finds such concepts as cosmopolitization of the world, the idea that social science has a lot to say about love in the second modernity, the importance of the city in a globalized world, and the notion of ‘emancipatory catastrophism’.

This paper argues that contemporary diasporic identities provide a strong basis from which to oppose contemporary expressions of racism. Immigrant and mobile populations have been able to construct images of identity that are based neither on an assimilationist model, nor defensive strategies against assimilationism. Rather, the older, internal relation between racism and diasporization has been broken by the ability of groups to claim a diasporic status on the basis of a public and not private articulation of self-identity.

Written while the pandemic was still a key issue, this article tries to imagine the post-pandemic from different perspectives, and first of all in distinct temporalities. A question arises immediately: how can we consider the hypothesis of a deep cultural or anthropological mutation with intellectual or scientific tools that were forged before this mutation? What might new approaches for the social sciences look like? The article proceeds to analyse the more obvious social, technological and cultural changes that occurred with the (...) pandemic, which definitively modify our perception and understanding of globalisation. New or renewed inequalities, intergenerational tensions, racism, increasing fake news and conspiracy theory visions of the world, but also issues raised by feminism or ecology are at stake here. (shrink)

Souvent, la science est associée à l'idée de progrès et d'émancipation des peuples. Il en fut ainsi au temps des Lumières, puis sous la Révolution française. Elle est parfois aussi contestée en raison même du progrès et de ses conséquences: destruction de la nature, productivisme à outrance... Les scientifiques sont alors considérés comme indifférents aux valeurs humanistes, acteurs d'une " science sans conscience " au service des pires projets, totalitaires, racistes, brutalement colonisateurs. A quelles conditions la science peut-elle aujourd'hui avancer (...) et faire avancer l'homme? Faut-il généraliser le principe de précaution? Dans un monde où la science est financée, organisée ou stimulée d'une part par la puissance publique et d'autre part par le marché, qui décide in fine? Comment faire vivre le lien entre liberté des scientifiques et progrès social? Quels sont les rapports entre démocratie et science? Et, si la science a encore un avenir, quel est-il? (shrink)

Le concept d’intégration mérite-t-il toujours la place centrale que lui confère la sociologie classique, en particulier d’inspiration durkheimienne ou fonctionnaliste? Trois raisons d’en douter sont proposées ici : la montée en puissance des approches centrées sur le Sujet ; la crise des modèles dits d’ « intégration », anglais comme français ; la poussée d’identités collectives circulant dans d’autres espaces que celui d’État-nation.Does the concept of integration still deserve the forefront place classical sociology – particularly drawn from Durkheim or functionalism (...) – bestowed on it? The question opens up three avenues of investigation : an ever-increasing number of approaches focusing on the Subject ; the crisis of both English and French « integration » models ; the upsurge of collective identities in arenas outside the Nation-State. (shrink)

Academic freedom is currently threatened not only in dictatorial or authoritarian regimes but in democracies as well. Thus, this analysis of the contemporary French experience, in which we observe a destructive climate maintained by intellectuals and political actors on both the right and the left. The extremization, intolerance, and radicalization of debates have increased since the election of Emmanuel Macron in 2017. At the same time, university institutions often appear overwhelmed or powerless in the face of both internal and external (...) dangers. (shrink)

Philosophy & Social Criticism, Volume 48, Issue 4, Page 631-641, May 2022. Academic freedom is currently threatened not only in dictatorial or authoritarian regimes but in democracies as well. Thus, this analysis of the contemporary French experience, in which we observe a destructive climate maintained by intellectuals and political actors on both the right and the left. The extremization, intolerance, and radicalization of debates have increased since the election of Emmanuel Macron in 2017. At the same time, university institutions often (...) appear overwhelmed or powerless in the face of both internal and external dangers. (shrink)

Academic freedom is currently threatened not only in dictatorial or authoritarian regimes but in democracies as well. Thus, this analysis of the contemporary French experience, in which we observe a destructive climate maintained by intellectuals and political actors on both the right and the left. The extremization, intolerance, and radicalization of debates have increased since the election of Emmanuel Macron in 2017. At the same time, university institutions often appear overwhelmed or powerless in the face of both internal and external (...) dangers. (shrink)

This w ork distinguishes bet w een violence used to attain a speci f ic purpose and violence intended or practice for itself. C r uelty is characterised as violence for violenc e' sa k e. Th e aim is to try to f ind an e xplanation for that c r uelty w hich can be described as absolute violence. F or that reason, reference is made to a series of books that h a v e dealt with the (...) subject that, in spite of allusions to other types of cruel t y , end b y speaking of militar y cr uelt y . An attempt to determine the 'functio n ' of c r uelty leads to an understanding of the conditions that ma k e it possi b le: impuni t y , fear and the culture of hate. F inal l y , the human being does not appear to be c r uel per se , but as someone w ho feels compelled to be so b y 'p o w er'. (shrink)