That the extraordinary narrative experiment known as theSatyriconhas regularly stimulated scholarly investigation into the relationship between status and freedom is not surprising for a work, the longest surviving section of which features an excessive dinner party at the house of alibertus. Much of the discussion has concentrated on the depiction of the dinner's host and his freedmen friends. Following the lead of F. Zeitlin and others in seeing the depiction of a ‘freedmen's milieu’ in theCena, J. Bodel argued in a (...) seminal paper published twenty years ago that theCenaopens a window onto the ‘freedman's mentality’. The last ten years or so have seen a revival of the theme, with much emphasis on the display of an open society in theCena, even a Saturnalian world-view, based on a suspension or reversal of the traditional social hierarchies, all framed by a general air of excessive liberality: whatever satirical lens theSatyricon’s author is seen to have projected onto Trimalchio and his freedmen friends,theyare understood as celebrating ‘freedom's defining difference’. In the light of such a unifying conceptualization of theCena’s motley crew, it is not surprising that scholars have come to understand the libertine assemblage as a reflection of ‘the social class of the “freedmen” in first-centurya.d.Italy’. After all, ‘class’ can be defined as ‘a number of individuals possessing common attributes’, and, with specific regard to human society, as ‘a division of society according to status’. (shrink)

Christian Grave zählte zu den prägenden Philosophen, Übersetzern und Publizisten der europäischen Aufklärung zwischen 1770 und 1800, und zwar sowohl innerhalb gewichtiger Teilbereiche der Fach- oder Schulphilosophie, wie der Moralphilosophie und Politik, als auch im Zusammenhang literarischer und populärphilosophischer Diskurse der sich entwickelnden und an Dynamik gewinnenden Öffentlichkeit. Grave nahm entscheidenden Einfluss auf wichtige Debatten, Kontroversen und Forschungsentwicklungen seiner Zeit; so entwickelte er Vorformen soziologischen Forschens und Argumentierens. Seine durch Friedrich II. angeregte Neuübersetzung und Kommentierung von Ciceros 'De officiis' war (...) nicht nur ein großer Verkaufserfolg, sondern hatte auch immensen Einfluss auf die Debatten zur Moralphilosophie und deren pädagogische Umsetzung im späten 18. Jahrhundert - namentlich auf Kant. (shrink)

Nicolaus Cusanus' thought appears in much to anticipate or run in the direction of modern philosophy, especially that of Leibniz, in particular what concerns his - for the middle ages novel - mathematical reasoning. This article pursues the singularity of the mathematics of both thinkers back to their theological or philosophical intention. Continuity from Cusanus to Leibniz must thus be seen as problematical not only in relation to the infinitesimal calculus. Cusanus adheres, particularly in his specialist mathematical calculations, to the (...) impossibility of continuous transitions and accordingly also of an exact squaring of the circle. Within this limit he seeks the proximity of God in his absolute distinction from all that is finite. Leibniz, on the other hand, achieves the exact calculation of the number π with the support of the continuity principle. This refers not only to God's absolute freedom in the choice of the best but points to a modern mediation between finite and infinite, just that which is rejected by Cusanus. (shrink)

This article deals with one particular aspect of Livy's narrative of the Gallic Sack of Rome, told in Book 5, and traditionally placed in 390b.c.—namely the issue over the validity of the ransom agreement struck by the Romans with the Gauls. The broader context is well known—and needs only brief reiteration here. When the Gauls march on Rome, the Romans give battle at the river Allia, leading to a resounding Gallic victory. Most of the Romans flee the battlefield and then (...) the city, except for a small group of both old and young, male and female, who hold out on the Capitoline Hill. That hill is subsequently put under siege by the Gauls. Following several months of beleaguerment, both sides are depicted as severely worn out by hunger and fighting. It is important for present purposes to stress that, when the Gauls stood at the gates and besieged the city, one of Rome's greatest heroes, Marcus Furius Camillus, was noticeably absent. Camillus was in neighbouring Ardea, some fifty miles south of Rome, training an army of Roman soldiers to challenge the Gallic invaders after his recent recall from exile and appointment to the dictatorship. But before Camillus’ return to Rome, the besieged Romans surrendered and agreed a ransom with the Gauls in order to liberate their city. The continuation of the story as given in Livy is equally well known. Camillus arrives in the middle of the ransom exchange, asking for the exchange to be stopped. Unsurprisingly, the Gauls are not keen on following Camillus’ orders, and insist on the ransom. Consequently, Camillus challenges the agreement between Romans and Gauls on a constitutional basis; the agreement was reached with a lesser magistrate after Camillus’ appointment to the dictatorship (5.49.2):cum illi renitentes pactos dicerent sese, negat eam pactionem ratam esse quae postquam ipse dictator creatus esset iniussu suo ab inferioris iuris magistratu facta esset, denuntiatque Gallis ut se ad proelium expediant.When they, resisting, said that they had come to an agreement, he [Camillus] denied that an agreement was valid which, after he himself had been made dictator, had been concluded by a magistrate of lower status without his instructions, and he announced to the Gauls that they should prepare themselves for battle.The constitutional argument has often been repeated by modern scholars. Ogilvie comments that ‘(t)he dictatorship was held to put all other magistracies into suspension.’ Feldherr notes similarly that, ‘(o)nce Camillus has been appointed dictator, hisimperiumsupersedes that of the lesser magistrates who negotiated the surrender.’ And to explain why the Gauls nevertheless entered into negotiations in Camillus’ absence, Ross observes that ‘the Gauls, of course, could hardly have known either of Camillus’ appointment as dictator or of the fact that the dictatorship superseded all other magistracies.’. (shrink)