Green evaluates the efficacy of USAID against the ethical and practical issues likely to influence its future success.

A second look at a global ethics forum of several years ago can be a good start for examination of ethics of countries we deal with today. This global ethics forum had been financed by the United Kingdom’s DFID, The World Bank, USAID and AusAid to enable delegates from seventy countries to meet and discuss ethics policies.

During the 1990s, the Government of Peru began to aggressivelyprivatize agriculture. The government stopped loaning money to farmers' cooperatives and closed the government rice-buying company. The government even rented out most of its researchstations and many senior scientists lost their jobs. As part of this trend, the government eliminated its seed certification agency. Instead, private seed certification committees were set up with USAID funding and technical advise from a US university. The committees were supposed to become self-financing (bycertifying seed (...) grown by small seed producers) and each committee was supposed to encourage the development of a group of small seed-producing firms, clustered around the seedcertification agency. The amazing thing is that many of the seed committees actually accomplished these goals. The agronomists who staffed the committees stood by their jobs,even after US funding ended, even though the committees' income was (at best) modest, and occasionally under the threat of violence from the extreme left. Some seed certificationcommittees failed and others did not. Some of the problems with Peruvian agricultural liberalization can be seen in regard to the seed programs of maize, rice, potatoes, and beans. For example, the government abandoned most research, yet could not resist creating certain distortions in the seed market (e.g.,buying large amounts of seed and distributing them for political ends). (shrink)

This paper extends the discussion of business ethics by examining the issue of corruption, its definition, the solutions being proposed for dealing with it, and the ethical perspectives underpinning these proposals. The paper’s findings are based on a review of association, think-tank, and academic reports, books, and papers dealing with the topic of corruption, as well as the pronouncements, websites, and position papers of a number of important global organizations active in the fight. These organizations include the World Bank, the (...) International Monetary Fund, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, Transparency International, USAID, the United Nations, the International Chamber of Commerce, the Organization of American States, and the Council of Europe. Our discussion departs from prior analyses by adopting a Foucaultian theoretical framing and by incorporating insights found in the virtue ethics literature. Implications are provided for international business organizations. (shrink)

Critical development and food studies scholars argue that the current food security paradigm is emblematic of a ‘New Green Revolution’, characterized by agricultural intensification, increasing reliance on biotechnology, deepening global markets, and depeasantization. High-profile examples of this model are not hard to find. Less examined, however, are food-security programs that appear to work at cross-purposes with this model. Drawing on the case of Feed the Future in Guatemala, I show how USAID engages in activities that valorize ancestral crops, subsistence (...) production, and agroecological practices. Rather than the result of macro-level planning—of either the New Green Revolution or a greener reform regime—I argue that nonconforming food security projects can be traced to individual actors and their interactions on the ground. I draw on an ‘interface approach’ (Long 1990 ), focusing on the lifeworlds of development workers, their interfaces with each other, and with the to-be-developed. Doing so reveals how food security projects are significantly shaped by the relationships and interests of development actors enmeshed in particular organizational and national settings. This research contributes a fresh perspective on the food security paradigm and its role within the ‘corporate food regime’. (shrink)

This essay examines a special program developed by the international Canadian mining firm, Placer Dome, to help recently laid-off workers find remunerative work in southern Africa. Shortly after it bought a 50% interest in the Deep South gold mine in South Africa, the mine laid off nearly 2600 workers. The firm gave redundant miners token serverance pay and offered them opportunity to participate in training and counseling services at the mine site. Overwhelmingly, the miners came from homes all over southern (...) Africa at great distance from the mine to which homes they chose to return. In addition, many had become ill from the HIV virus. Placer Dome soon realized that something more was required, given the very high rates of unemployment in the region. After securing grants from USAID and CIDA, and working with NGOs representing both the unions and mining companies in South Africa, the firm developed Project CARE. The project contacted workers where they lived and offered them or another proxy member of their households a variety of training, coaching, and consultative services. Within 2 years 65% of those contacted had either found new employment or started their own business. The project helped those households with HIV-affected ex-miners care for their affected family members. While describing the case, the essay raises more general ethical questions about the responsibilities of mining firms in particular for their redundant workers. (shrink)

The number of women living with HIV/AIDS is increasing worldwide, and there is an urgent public health need to develop new user-initiated HIV prevention methods, including microbicides. Although funding for microbicide development has increased since 2000, financial support is provided predominantly by governmental agencies and private foundations. Many donors, including the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and the US National Institutes of Health (NIH), have policies that restrict how research funds may be used. Among these are the now-rescinded (...) Mexico City Policy, elements of the US Foreign Assistance Act, and restrictions on non-study-related care. The effect of these restrictions on the design and conduct of clinical research is poorly understood. As part of a recent mapping exercise conducted by the Global Campaign for Microbicides, we reviewed the impact of donor restrictions on seven HIV prevention trials. We found considerable confusion within the HIV prevention field as to whether and how Mexico City and other policies affect the use of research funds. We also found that these donor-imposed policies limited the level of care provided to trial participants and the types of capacity building projects undertaken. (shrink)

This paper analyzes ethnographic and historical data to emphasize the importance of framing health as collective wellbeing. Exploring missionary medical campaigns during the colonial period in East Africa, I connect the institutional legacy of Euro-American Protestant missions on the contemporary frameworks of US global public health provisions at my research site, Mwana Mwema Program. At this network of faith-based, USAID clinics in Kenya that provide treatment for children living with HIV, practitioners care for the wider community within a global (...) health system that bases donor funding on epidemiological criteria. This narrow framing conflicts with practitioners’ notions of healing as collective wellbeing and can exacerbate communal divisions. I argue that Mwana Mwema’s notion of collective wellbeing offers a healthcare framework that faith-based providers can embrace. It yields more holistic care for entire communities and offers an opportunity for those of us in the United States to rethink our notions of health. (shrink)

This paper analyzes ethnographic and historical data to emphasize the importance of framing health as collective wellbeing. Exploring missionary medical campaigns during the colonial period in East Africa, I connect the institutional legacy of Euro-American Protestant missions on the contemporary frameworks of US global public health provisions at my research site, Mwana Mwema Program. At this network of faith-based, USAID clinics in Kenya that provide treatment for children living with HIV, practitioners care for the wider community within a global (...) health system that bases donor funding on epidemiological criteria. This narrow framing conflicts with practitioners’ notions of healing as collective wellbeing and can exacerbate communal divisions. I argue that Mwana Mwema’s notion of collective wellbeing offers a healthcare framework that faith-based providers can embrace. It yields more holistic care for entire communities and offers an opportunity for those of us in the United States to rethink our notions of health. (shrink)

Consider the following well‐attested observations: (1) Forty years of international development policies have increased rural poverty in a gender‐disproportionate manner. During the last twenty years, even as USAID policies mandated concern for women, “the number of rural women living in absolute poverty rose by about 50 per cent … as against an increase of about 30 per cent for rural men”. Against this, international justice would require that women's development be secured as a part of international development.

HIV-related state laws are being created transnationally though the use of omnibus model laws. In 2004, the US Agency for International Development funded the creation of one such guidance text known as the USAID/Action for West Africa Region Model Law, or N'Djamena Model Law, which led to the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS laws, including the criminalisation of HIV transmission, across much of West and Central Africa . In this article, I explicate how an epidemic of highly problematic legislation spread (...) across the region as a result of a text-mediated work process enabled through model laws. I theorise the textual genre of model laws arguing that these texts are best understood as ‘preoperative documents’ which, when activated, can lead to swift legislative reform in and beyond the field of HIV/AIDS governance. The legislative process being investigated was made visible through participant observation, archival research, textual analysis and informant interviews with national and international stakeholders . This involved ethnographic research in Canada, the USA, Switzerland, Austria, South Africa and Senegal . The untold policy processes and narratives explored in this article make evident how the work of contesting problematic HIV/AIDS model laws and newly drafted state laws involves both creating new texts and contesting the legitimacy and efficacy of others. (shrink)

Can Congress require AIDS service organizations to pledge fidelity to the government's view opposing prostitution as a condition of receiving funding? This term, the Supreme Court will decide whether the First Amendment permits such censorship in USAID v. Alliance for Open Society International (AOSI). The 2008 legislation reauthorizing the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) requires host countries to support “activities promoting abstinence, delay of sexual début, monogamy, and fidelity.” PEPFAR's “conscience clause” allows organizations with a moral or (...) religious objection to opt out of providing services to patients with a sexual orientation of which they disapprove. In addition, the law requires grantees to adopt “a policy explicitly opposing prostitution” and to refrain from any speech or activities the government deems “inconsistent” with that policy. The antiprostitution pledge extends not only to what a recipient says or does with PEPFAR funds, but even to what it says or does with its own private funds. The government, however, has not enforced the pledge against U.S.‐based nongovernmental organizations partly because of a preliminary injunction granted by the lower courts. That injunction is now at risk if the Supreme Court upholds the loyalty oath. (shrink)

What are the more significant broad-based needs of animal health programs in developing countries? Essentially they are: health management programs, delivery systems, disease surveillance and monitoring of livestock movements, and improved technologies that are cost-effective and environmentally sound.Responsible program planning elicits important considerations that strengthen final results if integrated early into project design. Examples of these considerations include•the potential for intervention;•producers' requirements for animal health services;•present and future effect(s) of disease;•trends in livestock production and marketing;•affect of improved animal health technology (...) on traditional production practices;•recurrent costs; and•affect of government policies on development and application of the technology.For what reasons do some project activities need to be redirected or continually sustained with donor support? A review of the case studies reveals that five major factors critically impact on project longevity. They are 1) initial expense and recurrent costs, 2) labor required, 3) long-term effectiveness, 4) difficulty in achieving objectives, and 5) government policies or civil strife.The U. S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has funded animal health projects for 30 years. Unlike most other bilateral projects, nearly one-third have continued for at least a decade. Given the nature of the biological cycle of livestock, animal health projects and programs require long-term commitments. USAID's investments in animal health projects continue to pay dividends despite continuously changing global political priorities and the redefining of development issues. (shrink)

This essay examines a special program developed by the international Canadian mining firm, Placer Dome, to help recently laid-off workers find remunerative work in southern Africa. Shortly after it bought a 50% interest in the Deep South gold mine in South Africa, the mine laid off nearly 2600 workers. The firm gave redundant miners token serverance pay and offered them opportunity to participate in training and counseling services at the mine site. Overwhelmingly, the miners came from homes all over southern (...) Africa at great distance from the mine to which homes they chose to return. In addition, many had become ill from the HIV virus. Placer Dome soon realized that something more was required, given the very high rates of unemployment in the region. After securing grants from USAID and CIDA, and working with NGOs representing both the unions and mining companies in South Africa, the firm developed Project CARE. The project contacted workers where they lived and offered them or another proxy member of their households a variety of training, coaching, and consultative services. Within 2 years 65% of those contacted had either found new employment or started their own business. The project helped those households with HIV-affected ex-miners care for their affected family members. While describing the case, the essay raises more general ethical questions about the responsibilities of mining firms in particular for their redundant workers. (shrink)